＜ Chapter 29. Leader’s Dilemma (2) ＞
Chapter 29. The chief’s dilemma (2)
After the last Gulf War, General Secretary Kim Jeong-hwan became the leader of the victory (even though it was actually a spoonful in America’s war, but it was won anyway).
At first, the People’s Army, which had tilted its head, shuddering at the inauguration of a leader who had never heard his name, shouted Jeonghwan’s name during the first (official) overseas dispatch and victory since its inception, turning 180 degrees to complete loyalty, or almost worship.
I think that it is a pre-modern system that needs to slowly get rid of the worship of individuality, and it was secretly buried in preparation for the all-time event of President Bush’s visit to North Korea.
– Victory! Proud soldiers of the People’s Army smashed the head of the Republic’s enemy, Hussein, and rescued comrades of engineers and made improvements today.
– The excellent leadership and genius strategy of Comrade General Secretary who foresaw great victory and sent the most elite soldiers of the People’s Army to elevate the cause of the Republic!
As if they had been waiting since the moment the news of the end of the Gulf War was announced, the Chosun Central Broadcasting System led by Hyun Young-sook, the other two broadcasters, and the Rodong Sinmun published articles all day that lowered the U.S. military (who fought most of the war) and exalted the People’s Army and Jeong Hwan. sent.
Read at noblemtl.com
Not only that, but due to various popular-friendly measures that have taken place in the past, Jeong-hwan’s position in the minds of the people buried Kim Jong-il, who caused a disaster by toppling the Ryugyong Hotel, in a few years, and only for the younger generation, it is almost second to Kim Il-sung. the store went up.Read at noblemtl.com
Now, Jang Seong-taek’s suggestion is that the position of the leader is now firmly established, and now he understands the purpose of Hong Gye-seong to protect the size of the army (that is, to protect himself).“…if it is the opinion of Comrade Jang, then I have accepted it. It’s me, I’ve been loyal to the general secretary from the beginning, so nothing has changed… But if Director Jang puts out his hand, there’s no reason to turn away. Of course, starting with the budget, the party had to be considerate of our People’s Army in various ways, but…”
‘One-hearted loyalty will freeze to death… It’s only two arms of young people who roll their tongues out of old age, anyway…’
At the distortion of Hong Kye-sung, Jang Seong-taek was absurd and stuck his tongue out, but one step was a success.
What was important to him now was not Hong Kye-sung, but someone else, and that person was Foreign Minister Kim Yong-geon, who was holding the glass right next to him.
It’s Hong Kye-sung, and Jang Sung-taek and Jang Seong-taek’s ‘same class’ could roughly predict the reaction, but Kim Yong-geon was still unknown.
So Jang Seong-taek opened his mouth, vowing to do well in persuading them to understand what was going on for the general secretary and the republic.
“Hahaha… Comrade Hong Cha-su, who is so loyal to the general secretary and the party, is now the head of the People’s Army, so Jang Song-thaek is also relieved. Then I’ll be free to tell you about the republic’s regime and the unrest that threatens the general secretary.”
“…The system instability, what does that mean? Comrade Jang?”
“As you know, there are comrades in the USSR as countries that started reform and opening up similarly to our republic, or even earlier than us. It started with Comrade Gorbachev and brought in capitalism for a considerable period of time. By the way, do you know how the Soviet system is going now?”
“That’s it…”
In response to Jang Seong-taek’s bait-like question, Hong Kye-sung and Kim Yong-geon looked at each other and frowned at the same time.
As Hong Kye-seong is a leader from Frunze, he was brighter than anyone else in the situation in the Soviet Union, and Kim Yong-geon, who was also in charge of foreign affairs, had no choice but to know news from outside the Republic of Jira.
“In a word, it’s bullshit. From what I have heard, the authority of the party has fallen to the ground and the common people are in a difficult situation to even get food! It is said that the system is so chaotic that even abusive language about the leader comes out of the mouths of the Soviet people. Now you know what I am worried about, comrades?”
“Comrade Jang, I fully understand your concerns, but the reform and opening-up instructions were directly ordered by the general secretary…”
“What I am trying to say is absolutely not that Comrade General Secretary Comrade’s reform and opening-up policy is wrong. It’s just that if the door of openness is opened too wide, not only the originally intended capitalist waters, but also the turbulent waves that shake the system will come. Aren’t signs of that already appearing everywhere?”
“What if it was a turbulent wave?”
“It’s not like our-style, Korean-style democracy, it’s like a corrupt Western-style democracy. Especially…”
This time, Jang Seong-taek’s eyes were not on Hong Gye-seong, who seemed to be contemplating something, but on Kim Yong-geon.
A friend of a similar age would understand you much better than that clogged old inspiration.
“I have heard that Britain is the cradle of Western democracy. What I am concerned about is that when the student comrades who have been drinking the water of the Western imperialists who were born in such a corrupt system for several years return, they will spread a strange wind of democracy and other things in the republic, so that they will challenge the authority of the general secretary in the future. It didn’t go away.”
“What are you saying….The student comrades went to learn how to operate capitalist economics under the command of the general secretary, and they are absolutely not destabilizing the system of the general secretary and the republic.”
Kim Yong-geon, who was also in charge of studying abroad for Kim University students as Minister of Foreign Affairs, shook his head as if he was going through everything, but Jang Seong-taek was tenacious.
“That’s not the only thing I’m worried about. Comrades, do you know that I recently met a South Korean entrepreneur in Tokyo on the order of the General Secretary and had a secret conversation?”
“Oh, I know. He was the chairman of the modern group… I heard that he was the best worker in the company, who apparently said that there is nothing that South Korea does not make.”
“It’s not like that. I don’t know about Comrade Hong Cha-su, but that person named Jeong Mun-young is not inferior to that of the Central Party cadres in South Korea. Not only South Korea, but also countries that have introduced capitalism, I hear, say that entrepreneurs, including the US imperialists, are trying to get on top of their leaders these days. Didn’t something like that happen in this republic? Such a thing should not be allowed at all. Do you all agree with me?”
“…………”
For a moment, there was nothing to refute, so Kim Yong-geon had no choice but to keep his mouth shut.
It wasn’t because he was plotting a rebellion against or protesting against Jeong-hwan, the supreme leader, but because he thought to himself for a moment, ‘What if something like this really happens in the Republic?’
In addition, it is objectively true that the Soviet system is becoming very unstable due to Comrade Gorbachev’s abrupt opening policy.
As Kim Yong-geon seemed to shake a little, Jang Seong-taek continued his speech without missing an opportunity.
“It is my opinion that the three of us, the party, the military, and justice, should work together to protect the general secretary with all our strength against these various external unrest factors. Also, it is the current state of affairs that not only me but also many of our Labor Party workers agree with this meaning.”
“…are you saying that it’s not just the general manager?”
“Okay, we and the general secretary are in the same boat, didn’t we all have to avoid making a hole in the boat and sinking it together? The sailors guard the captain who commands the ship. So who guarded it? Isn’t that right, Cha-soo Hong?”
“Well….! I think you are right.”
Hong Gye-seong also lit up his eyes and struck a match to see if Jang Seong-taek and his heart were finally connected.
Kim Yong-gun, too, almost immediately agreed with that statement, but then fell into thought again for a moment.
‘What is the intention of the general secretary? No, is Western democracy really that bad? ……… If even such mighty Soviet comrades made the mistake of introducing Western systems and systems, and the country and the nation collapsed, then, as Director Jang said, we would unanimously hold the General Secretary. Wouldn’t it be right to guard?’
Kim Yong-gun’s head, who fell into such troubles, was very complicated.
Kim Yong-geon was not a human born in a democratic country, similar to Ri Jong-su, Baek Seung-cheol, and Jang Seong-taek, who took office as the director of the Reconnaissance General Bureau.
From a young age, he was taught that it is natural for a leader to hold all power and lead the country, and it was Kim Yong-geon who grew up receiving a pre-modern North Korean-style nationalistic education that it is the glory of the Korean people and people.
Although he later realized that the leader was Jeong-hwan, not Kim Jong-il, he took part in the event, but that was the opposite of what it meant that the people became a democracy in which the individual people were the masters.
Rather, Kim Yong-geon was leading Jeong-hwan’s all sorts of achievements that should be called a miracle, and watching the people call for Jeong-hwan’s national independence, he was also feeling proud that he had contributed quite a bit to upholding that leader.
In addition, watching the Soviet Union, which was trying to abandon the one-party dictatorship of the Communist Party nearby and move to a social democratic system, lose its prestige and collapse in real time, there was even anxiety that Korea would be like that if it made a mistake in reform and opening up.
As Kim Yong-gun seemed to be worried, Jang Seong-taek felt that he had already done enough, so he decided to retreat for now.
“ruler! First of all, this is a place to openly talk about the future of the republic, so let’s end it here. Isn’t this the Irish whiskey brought to us by the reform and opening up of Comrade General Secretary, the highest dignity of the Republic? It wouldn’t be okay if a man had a drink in front of him and just talked about it.”
“Hahaha.. I think it was the first time that I and Director Jang’s intentions worked. Then let’s toast.”
“Cheers! For the Republic!”
“Cheers! Dear Comrade Leader, For the eternal leadership of the General Secretary!”
As he lifted the glasses of Irish whiskey and thought that he had accomplished most, if not all, of his purpose, Jang Seong-taek gently put a smile on his lips.
Reform and opening were successful. If capital from the United States and South Korea flooded in like a flood, Pyongyang, the capital of revolution, would develop as splendidly as Tokyo or Seoul and become the capital of republican capitalism.
And I could already vividly remember myself in Pyongyang, a loyal servant and top henchman of the great leader of the republic, who with one finger controls the capitalist workers of the republic, entrepreneurs such as Jeong Mun-young, who will soon arise.
‘How can these guys be good by pretending to be a capitalist or something? Money without power is useless no matter how much money you have. When you’re near power, money just follows you!’
That was the conclusion that Jang Seong-taek came to after thinking after his meeting with Jung Moon-young in Tokyo.
Just looking at the development of China, which he has been seeing frequently right now, was like that.
There was no wealthy entrepreneur who did not succumb to the powerful Communist Party bureaucrats.
And, there were many cases in which CCP executives used the money they collected from such close businessmen to increase their personal connections and to run businesses directly through their own families to make a profit.
As China developed, one of the new ‘communist aristocrats’ that arose in large numbers under Deng Xiaoping, who was close to Zhang Song-thaek, treated him in a suite in a 5-star hotel in Shanghai and even secretly encouraged him.
– Look, Manager Jang. I heard that Joseon will be reforming and opening soon, so you will soon be rich like us. When that time comes, I will also go to Joseon, so I want you to look after me as I have taken care of you. Isn’t that what business is all about?
– …I’m sorry, but that’s terrifying. My comrade general secretary is so disgusted with party officials wearing other pockets…
– Ha ha ha… Don’t be naive. Do you know that our Comrade Deng Xiaoping has outwardly tolerated us making back pockets like this? Neither the party members around me nor his family members have one more pocket. Have you ever heard of Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s theory of good luck, advocated for reform and opening up? His idea is that those who have the ability to become rich first become rich, and then the people, no, the common people.
– Well, would that be possible?
– Heh, I got rich first because I have the ability to be rich. Is that against Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s will? And frankly, what does it have to do with communism or capitalism? When the money comes in my pocket and my kids ride Cadillacs in America, that’s the best system and heaven for me. Actually, my children are not Chinese by nationality, but American and Canadian. heh heh
– ………!!!
– Oh, and come to think of it, especially since you made a big contribution to supporting and supporting the young general secretary over there, maybe you can become richer than I am? Don’t the founders who originally supported the emperor receive the king’s seat one by one? Keep your mind straight. That’s how you get a decent state-owned company and make your family strong. Otherwise, all that is left is Tosagupin, a hound that is boiled in a pot. I’ve had a long time with you guys, so I’m going to tell you something special. ha ha ha.
‘Hong Gye-sung already knows what I’m trying to say, so it’ll be fine. He wants to be powerful like me, but he doesn’t completely trust the gunmen who are originally in power. The general secretary is no exception, so if you try to betray me, I will kill you first.’
Though he thought so inwardly, Jang Seong-taek urged himself not to rush.
The process of reform and opening-up will take at least ten years.
And in the process, he will gain absolute trust from the general secretary, and he will wipe out all the remnants that still remain in the elements of the republic, the old men soaked in the ghost of communism long after the season has passed, and plant open-wing bureaucrats like himself and capitalist workers in their place. .
Of course, the most reliable ones are his bloodlines and relatives, so if necessary, he was considering choosing one of the elite Kim Dae-ori returning from England and marrying Jang Seong-taek’s own only daughter as his son-in-law.
Just like Jeong Mun-young of South Korea, who shared the business with his sons and younger brothers.
‘Looking at this, the Korean people are either in the north or in the south, but that’s it. By the way, the problem is that comrade Kim Yong-geon, who is the head of the department…. You may not know that if we don’t tame the reactionaries that can threaten the system at an early stage like the British bastards, we will all die together. .’
Jang Seong-taek clicked his tongue as he looked at Kim Yong-geon, who looked like he had some doubts even after sharing a drink because he couldn’t win the mood of his superior Jang Seong-taek.
But he was no fool, he thought, and he would soon make the right choice.
The Soviet Union, which introduced a clumsy and hasty democratic system either late or early, was about to collapse horribly. Kim Yong-geon will definitely realize that.
And unexpectedly, the time Jang Sung-taek was waiting for came very quickly.
Just a few weeks after that, in August, a coup d’état took place in the Soviet Union .