＜ Chapter 30. The end of the world in 3 days, the fire of the world in 30 years (4) ＞
Chapter 30. The end of the world in 3 days, the fire of the world in 30 years (4)
They had no answer to Yang Sang-kun’s question.
Among the people gathered in the room were the National People’s Congress (nominal) representing the people of China, the members of the National People’s Congress, the commanders of the People’s Liberation Army, and the Standing Committee of the Central Politburo, which controls the Communist Party of China. There were members of the gang, but they were all silent.
However, Yang Sang-kun and his fellow comrades found tacit sympathy in their eyes and smiled.
“Of course, I am not saying that Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening-up policies are all wrong, but see, since the beginning of reform and opening-up, China has been humiliated and faced with difficulties in international relations. North Korea, an old blood alliance, treats us like a stranger and becomes a rice cake that blocks China’s throat. Isn’t that right, Manager Xu?”
Yang Sang-kun deliberately pointed out one person in the crowd gathered in the room, as if taking out a hidden card of conversion, and asked that question.
And as a result of the intended directing, some people gathered in the room were startled and nodded inwardly at the Minister of National Security, Xu Yong-yu, who walked forward.
If that person was also involved, Deng Xiaoping would have already faced the greatest threat of his political life after he came to power.
“It is very true. Commentary comrade!”
“Comrade Deng Xiaoping said that our China’s line is the Tao Guangyang Hui (韜光養晦), and that it will only be worth fighting the US and the world for supremacy by hiding the light and building strength in the dark for at least 50 years. However, due to the achievements of the reform and opening-up policy and China’s growth, the US is already wary and afraid of China’s growth. But do we have to endure such humiliation?”
“No, comrade!”
Starting with Xu Yong-yu, who responded to Yang Sang-kun’s words a while ago, the people in the room shook their heads at once.
Among them, Xu Yong-yu, who decided to join Yang Sang-kun after a long deliberation, raised his head as if trying to prove his loyalty to Yang Ga-gun, a faction centered in Shenyang County, which consists of Yang Sang-kun, his family, and his closest aides. I shook more vigorously.
In fact, he decided to follow Yang Sang-kun only a few days ago, so he had to do it even in the eyes of others.
– Hahaha… You’re on my side, so there’s nothing to be afraid of, now.
– Then, I am now a member of the Yangga Army. I will treat the President like my father and contribute to the glory of the Republic and the Chinese nation by reforming his responsibilities.
‘Of course, I wouldn’t be treated like a real son if I did.’
Recalling the memory of being considerate of Yang Sang-kun by picking up the words that Chinese people often use when writing poetry, Xu Yong-yu is Yang Sang-kun’s real son, Hong Er-dai, the second generation of the party elders standing behind him. Looking at them, I sighed.
Those who stood as if defending their fathers were the leaders of this ‘big business’, and they were also the newcomers who would lead the next-generation Chinese Communist Party, and furthermore, this China.
From Yang Xiaoming (杨绍明), son of Yang Sang-kun, to Bo Bo-lai (薄熙來), son of Boi-bo (薄一波), one of the eight elders, and Chen Yuan (陳元), son of Chen Yun.
Already, they formed a faction called the Crown Prince Party within the Communist Party of China, bearing the names of their fathers on their backs and occupying a position in the party, military, government, or civilian business circles (in fact, this was the most).
“Comrade Deng has achieved many achievements, including reform and opening-up, but now is the time for Comrade Deng to step down, knowing that his reform and opening-up is sufficient. Moreover, in order to prevent the error of Comrade Mao’s era, Deng decided not to influence politics any more by cadres over the age of 70, and he has continued to exert influence on the Standing Committee. As the chairman of the military committee, he did not keep his word, so what is this other than the behavior of yangbongyin?”
This remark, which attacked Deng more directly, as if supporting Yang Sang-kun, came from Chen Yun (陳雲).
In fact, strictly speaking, his criticism of Deng Xiaoping’s use of behind-the-scenes influence was a bit blatant, because not only Chen Yun himself, but also the three elders Yang Sang-kun, Chen Yun, and Boi-bo could not be free from the criticism.
Together with Deng Shaoping, these three men, called the Eight Great Leaders of the Chinese Communist Party, are the most prominent in this room and have the same powerful influence within the party as Deng.
Moreover, just like Deng Xiaoping, who resigned from all his party positions at the 13th Central Committee plenary meeting more than a year ago and became a nominal member of the ranks, but still wields a strong influence, they too were controlling the government in the dark through their aides and children. Deng Xiaoping’s remarks would have been astounding if he had heard them.
Of course, no one came out of the boat enough to point this out.
And it was the same with Shi Yong-yu.
‘If the head of the Central Advisory Committee, Chen Yun, was also involved, then Prime Minister Li Feng (李鵬), his clan, must also have passed over. Then, on Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s side, General Chaos is left, and the other is…’
“Comrades gathered here, I know that there are people who are uneasy because I have been constantly opposed to reform and opening up and the introduction of a market economy system in China. But in the meantime, thanks to the persuasion of other comrades here representing President Yang Sang-kun, I also changed my mind a little.”
“And thanks to Comrade Chen Yun’s great concession, this man is now able to join us here. Let it come out.”
At the same time being introduced by Chen Yun and Boi Bo, a man walked out of the room again among the party members.
Xu Yong-yu, who thought he was the only new face of the day, was puzzled and pulled out his head to try to see the face of the person walking out.
Who the hell is ready to appear, so you’re saying you’re expecting more than Xu Yong-yu, the head of the Ministry of National Security in charge of overseas counter-espionage activities?
And the moment he checked his face, Xu Yong-yu could not help but be astonished, forgetting his position as the national security minister.
“Jiang Zemin! Comrade Jiang Zemin? Are you really?”
“Unbelievable… how could you…”
“Comrade Yang, is General Jiang Zemin with us?”
He was a man in his sixties with a dense-looking impression wearing black horn-rimmed glasses.
It was obvious that Xu Yong-yu was not the only one who was surprised by the appearance of Jiang Zemin, an old man with glasses but never looked weak.
As such, the appearance of Jiang Zemin, the current general secretary of the party, was very unexpected. Jiang Zemin started his political career as the mayor of Shanghai, a special open zone, and is a representative reform and openness sympathizer, along with Chaos, secretary of the Political and Law Commission, who advanced into central politics by Deng Xiaoping’s appointment. He was a member of the pro-Deng Xiaoping line.
As if enjoying the hustle and bustle of the hall, Yang Sang-kun and the three elders let the crowd roar for a moment, then raised their voices slightly and gave Jiang Zemin the right to speak.
“Comrade Jiang Zemin here, too, has decided to leave his personal acquaintance behind and join us in paving the way for China’s future. Comrade Zhang, please say something to our comrades here.”
“As most of you here know, I started my career in Shanghai and, with the help of Comrade Deng, made it to the center. However, in recent years, Comrade Deng has grown old and repeats arbitrariness, and as a result of such tyranny, it can no longer be seen that Shanghai and the whole of China are endangered. We did it together.”
‘It was like that.’
Seeing Jiang Zemin’s emphasis on ‘Shanghai’, which is a symbol of reform and opening up in front of China on purpose, but only one city, Xu Yong-yu nodded as if he knew why he joined.
Jiang Zemin’s political base, as he himself just said, is Shanghai.
Shanghai, a commercial city with a long history and tradition, has emerged as a symbol of China’s market economy system after being designated as a special zone for reform and opening up. It emerged as an equally important job.
And a new faction that emerged centered on Shanghai, the stronghold of China, was the Shanghai Bang, centered on Jiang Zemin, who was a former mayor of Shanghai.
However, it was also in Shanghai that was hit the hardest by the large-scale international economic sanctions imposed after the Tiananmen crackdown.
Due to economic sanctions, the company went bankrupt, the customer disappeared, and the investment flew to the sky.
Read at noblemtl.com
Naturally, great dissatisfaction erupted from these factions, which consisted mainly of economic bureaucrats, businessmen who were wealthy enough to take on the position of a member of the National People’s Congress, and overseas Chinese capitalists who had started their business abroad but returned to their hometown.Jiang Zemin had previously been noted for his achievements while controlling the wave of westernization and democracy that came along with reform and opening up in Shanghai. could easily guess.
It was incomprehensible at first glance that Jiang Zemin, the head of the Shanghai room, who is the biggest beneficiary of the market economy, turned his back on his political benefactor Deng Xiaoping and joined the conservative faction of Yang Sang-kun, Chen Yun, and Boibo. The person who saw it, Xu Yong-yu, could easily guess the background.
“I am only moved by the great decision of Comrade General Secretary Jang. I would like to ask for your advice and guidance as a senior in the future. In the future, may I call you Big in private?”
“Of course, I am only honored to be able to form a relationship here with the son of Comrade Boibo, one of the elders of the party who participated in the campaign with Comrade Boshilai and Comrade Mao.”
‘It means that we have already finished negotiating the route with each other! Then all that’s left is the rice paddy field… I guess Jiang Zemin should want to rise to the supreme position when he’s even one year younger than waiting for Comrade Deng Xiaoping to die of old age.’
Seeing Bo Bo’s son Bo Bo’s Lai, who said he would quickly approach the 60-year-old man in the meantime, and call him Dae-Jae (大兄), and Jiang Zemin who accepted it again, Xu Yong-yu swallowed his saliva.
In the long run, China’s reform and opening-up is inevitable.
Then, all that is left is to adjust the level of control over how much control the government and the party will have over the private sector. By accepting Jiang Zemin, the conservatives led by Yang Sang-kun will gain flexibility for reform and opening, and Jiang Zemin will provide a political shield and a political shield for the Shanghai Party led by him. It was a trade in personal advancement where they were treated on the same level as the elders.
Moreover, Deng Xiaoping had him compete with Chaos, the general secretary of the Central Politics and Judiciary Committee, who had similarly grown up in Shanghai, from the time he brought in Jiang Zemin, but this action was dissatisfying for Jiang Zemin.
What would be the reason for competing with Chaos, the secretary of the Justice and Law Commission, who is in charge of the public security, and not telling him to think differently about his successor?
Deng Xiaoping, who does not know when to die, will only venture out when he has the burden of being a guardian until the end of his life. This was the background that made Jiang Zemin’s decision to come here today.
At this point, differences in ideology or routes such as reform and opening up or planned economy no longer mattered, and seeing only the power struggle remaining in the dark, Xu Yong-yu could not help recalling the suppression of Tiananmen two years ago.
‘Come to think of it, all the elders gathered here were the people who gave the order to suppress them hard at that time.’
At that time, of course, Deng Xiaoping was the final person in charge of the order to see the blood, but Yang Sang-kun, a representative conservative in the military, was an elder with so much influence that the mobilized Shenyang County District was nicknamed Yangga Army.
At the time of the Boibodo incident, he helped to drive out General Secretary Hu Yaobang, who took a moderate attitude, outraged that ‘children instigated by liberal intellectuals are shaking up national order’. He was a supporter of hard-line repression.
And Jiang Zemin, who joined this time, was also brought to the center because he received attention by suppressing the demands of the democrats ‘quietly’ in Shanghai without bloody suppression like in Beijing.
On the other hand, Jiang Zemin’s rival, Chaos, had previously exhibited a Western liberal side that prioritized human rights over party order, not befitting his position as head of public security, so he talked a lot both inside and outside the party, both inside and outside the party.
Seeing this strange alliance as if it was a coincidence or no coincidence, Xu Yong-yu only gave his bitter taste to the fact that he wasn’t today’s best guest.
And Yang Sang-kun, who grasped his disappointment like a ghost, asked Xu Yong-yu with an arrogant smile as if he was trying to remind him that he was not completely alienated from his interest.
“Hahaha… Finally, the brothers decided under the peach tree. So, how would you like to act now, comrade Xu?”
“Hmm, Comrade Deng is already highly respected by the people and inside our Shanghai room, so we should not attack him directly. I think it will suffice to get him completely out of politics by publicly insulting him…”
“…I’m sorry, but it must be. Comrade Deng already has too much power by himself. In order to prevent the error of the one-man worship caused by the concentration of power during Comrade Mao’s time and to pioneer a brighter future for China, I will have to shed tears of blood and sacrifice cows for the sake of the generations.”
Xu Yong-yu thought inwardly that it was because Yang Sang-kun’s authority and his track record to date were too great to completely purge Deng Xiaoping, but he wasn’t foolish enough to say it out loud.
And next to Yang Sang-kun, who had a sad expression on his face, Boybo helped out with a word.
“Even abroad, I know that it is Comrade Deng’s responsibility for negative public opinion regarding the suppression of Tiananmen, so if Comrade Deng resigns, the economic sanctions will naturally be lifted. Then Comrade Jiang Zemin’s friends in Shanghai will join hands with us.”
“….humiliating, but you have to be patient for now! There is no effective way to convince the party that all actions and decisions of the party are ultimately the way to neutralization than to feed and prosper the people. And at the center of it, our elder comrades and our second generation of revolutionaries who have inherited the will of the elders should lead China and the people to glory.”
‘Because I was two years old, I remember that friend. The young general secretary of North Korea. Come to think of it, that friend was also hereditary?’
Seeing Bo Bo Ra raising his voice involuntarily with his face reddened with excitement and tension over future power, Xu Yong-Yu unexpectedly recalled Kim Jeong-hwan, the general secretary of North Korea, who is currently in a difficult relationship with participation in the Gulf War and pro-American activities.
From the perspective of Xu Yong-yu, who has watched all the upheavals of recent years in the dark, Kim Jung-hwan’s sudden appearance was like a breeze that quickly broke the balance between the reformists and the conservatives, which were woven like a card house.
It could be said that the leader of North Korea, who was regarded as a small country guarding the back door of China, was overestimated, but if Kim Jong-il had been overthrown and Kim Jong-hwan had not appeared, it seems that today’s situation would not have happened.
“Now then, let’s toast to the success of the event and the future of the People’s Republic of China, cheers!”
“Cheers!”
The room was filled with loud cheers.
Passing the drink through his throat, Xu Yong-yu glanced sideways at the second-generation revolutionaries, such as Bo Shi Lai and Yang Shao Ming, who were very excited.
Even if the big business succeeds anyway, Yang Sang-kun, Chen Yun, and Bo Bo-bo will not be able to live long because they are old.
The next presidency will probably be Jiang Zemin, but the second generation of revolutionaries over there, the core of the Crown Prince Party, will succeed in their fathers’ footsteps and effectively rule China.
And Kim Jeong-hwan, who started all this, is also a prince, and if he gives birth to his own son, he will inherit the throne of North Korea.
Xu Yong-yu had no doubts about the prediction that North Korea at that time would be a little richer and the people a little happier than today’s North Korea, but in that respect it would be like China in the future.
In this way, turning around the Ministry of State Security and even his most loyal servants, the pragmatist who led China to reform and opening up, and at the same time, the massacre of Tiananmen, Deng Xiaoping, was slowly approaching its downfall .