Dear Comrade Leader, Episode 141
Chapter 50. birth
“Well… … okay. I am a businessman, not a politician, so I will just focus on my work.”
Jung Moon-young intuitively felt that there was something behind it and did not believe Jung-hwan’s explanation, but wisely he kept his mouth shut without asking any further questions.
I just felt that the atmosphere of the people around me had changed unexpectedly over the past fortnight or so.
Contrary to Junghwan’s explanation, he only intuited that he hadn’t disappeared for a good reason.
‘Politics is, in a sense, scarier than money. I’m glad I didn’t jump in too seriously.’
Jung Moon-young put on a bitter smile on her dry lips as she grew older, thinking that she might have seen what she would have been like if she had been left with someone else and entered politics.
Watching Jung Mun-young’s eyes pass through various thoughts, Jung-hwan just smiled without meaning once and grabbed his hand and lifted him up.
“Okay then, it’s time to shovel.”
pooh.
Whoops!
When Jung-hwan and Jung Moon-young, standing in front of the camera, simultaneously unpacked the first shovel on the site of the headquarters, flashes went off in several places at the same time and confetti flew.
Today, not only the simple invited Pyongyang citizens and businessmen, but many members of the Workers’ Party of Korea including many members of the party government, especially those who studied abroad in the UK, all looked excited.
Today was, so to speak, a day to highlight the achievements of reform and opening up over the past three years, and in the process, Peony Holdings, a state-owned investment company in North Korea, which started construction today, played a significant role because few people knew how important it was.
However, there were many party members who had tight tension on one side of their face, not just excitement or anticipation.
They were mainly party members who seemed to be old, that is, they have been surviving in the party since the time of Kim Jong-il.
Of course, Junghwan was well aware of the reason for their tension.
‘Boa Hani didn’t make an official announcement, but I guess everyone knew what was going on. After all, there is no way that I could have survived without even noticing that much until now. It was nice to give him some time too.’
Ten days have passed since the day when Jang Seong-taek was dragged away like a dog by Director Kim Young-il at the Labor Party’s office and disappeared to an unknown place.
During this time, no one spoke, but a terrifying horror swept beneath the surface of the water.
The name of Sedoga Jang Seong-taek, who was the third in the ranks of the republic after the second and general secretary of the party and Chairman Kim Young-nam, disappeared in a single day, as if it had evaporated from all subsequent schedules and official events.
Although it was not a death sentence, it was ironclad, but it was a creepy warning to the party members who had been resting their minds for a while without even realizing that they could loosen their belts a little and live with the sad Kim Jong-il era, when his family was annihilated after saying a single word wrong.
And Jeong-hwan gave ten days for the fear to spread sufficiently and for all Party members and people to understand its meaning well.
Of course, during the ten days of that terrifying glance, Jeong-hwan delegated the duties of the Party Organization and Guidance Director to his subordinates and others.
In the meantime, he was immersed in the final refinement of the issue he had envisioned.
After carefully considering the time and place to stand in front of the camera, I chose this place today.
And now, on the podium, the ‘other person’ was coming up when it was Jang Seong-taek’s turn to give his congratulatory speech.
“This is Hyun Young-sook, the head of the propaganda and agitation department, and the chairman of the Central Inspection Committee. Today, I consider it an unprecedented honor to announce a congratulatory speech in front of the masses who will watch the new history of the Republic and Pyongyang… … .”
‘I’ll have to watch it once.’
Jeonghwan thought as he quietly watched Hyun Young-sook, who smiled brightly, rarely because he was conscious of the camera (which he had mobilized).
After Jang Seong-taek’s resignation, it was Hyun Young-sook, the accuser of the ‘controversy over succession’ and the head of the propaganda and agitation department, who made him temporarily act as the head of the organizational leadership department.
I had seen her before and thought that she would one day lead the party, but according to the time schedule that Jeonghwan was planning in his head, it was not yet her time.
Although Hyun Young-sook is competent, there was a point that he lacked a support base in the Labor Party, which is still immersed in his age, foreign connections, and male supremacy compared to Jang Sung-taek, but the most important thing is that it is still at least 10 years to let the press reins. because it arrived.
However, when Junghwan revealed that it was a temporary acting agency, not the position of the head of the organization, she proved that she was worthy of trust.
‘Are you disappointed that you didn’t get what you wanted?’
‘How dare I question the bravery of the supreme leader. However, I will consider this opportunity as an opportunity to prepare for the greater responsibility that will be entrusted to me in the future.’
“Comrade General Secretary, the time has come.”
“… … oh I will wake up now.”
Hyun Young-sook’s speech was over.
Yoo Hye-rim waking him up, who had been drunk with other thoughts for a moment, brought Jung-hwan to his senses and got up from the VIP seat.
In fact, her speech was a pre-ceremonial event to glorify today’s finale and main event, the congratulatory speech of Kim Jeong-hwan, the supreme dignity and leader of the Republic.
“I will be back.”
“… … Bye.”
Junghwan slowly walked up to the podium, exchanging light jokes and receiving the gazes of everyone who sat down to the far end of the ceremony.
Seeing Hye-rim Yoo’s face made Jang Seong-taek, who was trying to gain an edge in the new republic that was about to come, by discussing his succession issue.
But at the same time, I felt that I had finished a problem that I should have made sure of someday.
‘A system with an unclear succession structure shakes the loyalty of its members.
However, despite this, Jeonghwan had no intention of inheriting power according to his lineage, that is, having children and making him the 4th leader of the Kim dynasty, not even his fingernails.
It was an act of betraying everything he had promised to the people and himself, and to his friends Kim Kyung-soo and Yoo Hye-rim, all at once.
But at some point, there will come a point when we need to discuss the succession issue.
Even now, party members within the Workers’ Party of Korea are murmuring that the reason Jang Seong-taek disappeared is because the general secretary was still in his prime, and he hastily discussed the issue of succession.
In other words, most of the party members and people still believe that someday the supreme leader will pass on to someone who inherits the blood of the Kim dynasty, either late or early.
In fact, even after the purge of Jang Seong-taek, Jeong Hwan had already prepared a succession plan through Hyun Young-sook and Kim Young-nam to make sure of this issue.
And if you look at Jeonghwan’s speech today (of course, most party members at the ceremony would not have guessed), it was closely related to the ‘leader after himself’.
Soon, Junghwan opened his mouth towards the microphone.
“My dear comrades, I am very glad to announce a new and fresh start in this place today, in this place where the Republic was once subjected to tragedy, suffering and shame.”
After Jang Seong-taek’s disappearance, perhaps the general secretary, who freed the people for several years, will reveal his true nature and reign in the reign of terror in the era of Kim Jong-il again?
Finding a way to revive the frozen atmosphere was Hyun Young-sook’s first job, the head of the propaganda and agitation department and the deputy head of the organizational guidance department.
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None of the speeches and public appearances of the national leaders were chosen without meaning, and even the most trivial selection of time and place has its own meaning.In that respect, there has been no event more appropriate to convey the message that the reform and opening atmosphere inside and outside the party must be spurred and the party as well as the private sector must change after Jang Seong-taek’s resignation.
The site where the headquarters of Chosun Investment Corporation is being built is not the tallest building in the former republic, but the site where the Ryugyong Hotel, which was supposed to be the tallest building, collapsed.
“… … Laying the foundation for a new development in this place where countless people have sacrificed due to deplorable conspiracy is a resolute expression of the will that this republic will not yield to any mean domestic and foreign conspiracy schemes… … .”
On the site right next to the 70-story skyscraper, the headquarters of Chosun Investment Corporation and the official name of the ‘Pyongyang International Financial Center’ building, which will house several more financial institutions to be announced today, construction began at the same time as the building to house the stock exchange for the first time in the Republic.
Modern Construction took charge of the construction, but among the many bird’s-eye views that were supervised by the British office and designed by the secretary’s office, Jeong Hwan liked the most, so the plan of an Iraqi-British woman architect Zaha Hadid was adopted.
At the end of the first part of Kim Il-sung’s anti-American policy and Kim Jong-il’s existence, the first part of his speech that “we will strengthen relations with countries around the world, including the United States, and inherit the legacy of our predecessors, and push forward economic development with more enthusiasm” ended, a grain of sand on a white sandy beach Passionate applause erupted from among the party members who filled the ceremony hall.
It was not an unnatural applause as if pushed by someone like the previous Kim Jong-il era, but a genuine applause that combined excitement, anticipation and pride.
However, the atmosphere of the party members in the hall, which had been a bit lax due to the heat, became tense again as soon as they heard Jeonghwan’s next speech.
“… … Unfortunately, however, in recent years, even some members of the Labor Party, who should be the most exemplary for the people, have been drenched in the sweet water of reform and opening up, showing dissatisfaction, or even taking a step in an ungodly conspiracy against the party and the republic. I am evoking it. For that reason, I, Kim Jeong-hwan, have made the decision to draw the blade of reform with a determined heart today.”
“… … !”
At these words, the tension between the brows of the party members in the hall was wrinkled.
Even in the days of Kim Jong-Il the other day, I heard a lot of talk about false-day reforms and the blades of circumstances.
However, after that, if there was really any fundamental reform or structural change, it would not be.
However, this time, the timing was different, and the second-ranking leader of the organization, the leader of the organization, disappeared due to disappearance (a purge is almost certain).
Unsurprisingly, Jeong-hwan began to announce new or decided issues one after another through his speeches, and the decree of the leader was enacted into law as it was, and was put into practice within a few days after the speech was finished.
– A significant portion of the powers and departments of the Workers’ Party of Korea were transferred to the State Council.
Starting with the reduction of the functions of regional party committees outside of Pyongyang, often referred to as the party cell organization, and the renaming of the people’s governments to suit local units, the process of dispersing the power held by the Workers’ Party of Korea to the Cabinet and State Council as a whole was carried out.
Of course, all of the high-ranking officials below the prime minister of the State Council were members of the Workers’ Party, but there was no denying that the power of the Cabinet had been relatively strengthened and that the power directly under the Workers’ Party of Korea, which had been the absolute power of the republic, had weakened considerably.
– Implementation of the property deposit system for high-ranking public officials. Strengthening the monitoring and enforcement of corruption among Party members and government officials.
Previously, the Anti-Corruption Investigation Bureau had mainly investigated high-level corruption, but this time it could be said that the goal is to manage the discipline of all public servants, from the junior to the chief, who eat the rust of the government.
High-ranking party officials above a certain rank are required to submit the status of changes in the assets of themselves and of all relatives within the fifth degree every year. It was entrusted to a blank trust operated by the company.
If corruption was discovered, employment could be banned at all organizations related to the party government, including the employee and his/her children, depending on the amount, or promotion to a certain rank or higher could be restricted. was able to do
In a democratic country, it was an abuse of public power enough to hear it was a human rights violation, but no one could complain under the just cause of anti-corruption.
Of course, Jeong-hwan not only beat the whip like this, but also announced measures to prevent them from easily falling into financial temptations by announcing the overall wage increase for party members and civil servants at the same time.
-Introduction of a reward system for reporting complaints and relevant persons
It was one of the most shocking changes, and it presented the goal of ‘the Labor Party that is always close to the people’s life’. A civil complaint system was newly established that required the administrative agencies of each province and city to receive complaints from individual people and to provide a formal, compulsory answer.
Of course, you only need to answer the complaint, so whether to implement it or not is a different matter.
In the one-way relationship between the party and the people, it was a surprising change just that the people could suggest something and receive an answer, even to the very smallest organization.
In addition, the introduction of the bounty system, a system in which reporting those who violate the Party and the leader’s directives, from cigarette butt dumping to serious crimes such as tax evasion and bribery, leads to economic gain, caught the eyes of the people rapidly stained with capitalism. turned on
Of course, similar systems, such as ‘a reward for reporting a citizen who dumps garbage in a volume-based bag,’ existed not only in South Korea but also in other countries.
However, Jung-hwan’s reporting bounty system differed in that it gave a much higher reward than other countries if they directly and openly insulted or slandered the party or the system.
In other words, party members motivated the people, and the people themselves, to monitor themselves, and although there was a clear potential for abuse compared to other systems, Jeong Hwan did not think that it was excessive.
In the three years since the official reform and opening in the historic 1990s, even after going through the censorship of the party once, the powers that are starting to complain directly about the leadership of the Workers’ Party of Korea are among the people as they come in contact with a flood of cultural and information from the outside. It was because it sensed that it was forming in
And as if threatening such forces, Jeong Hwan indirectly declared the most important word in today’s speech, the succession plan for the leader after himself.
“… … We will ease the conditions for joining the Labor Party and ensure fair selection based solely on ability, regardless of background or family members of revolutionary martyrs. In addition, the outstanding people of the new generation of Workers’ Party members selected in this way will receive full support without worrying about tuition or living expenses, and will receive education to lead the future of the republic at the newly established “Core Party School” of the Workers’ Party of Korea. will.”
The plan to establish this core party church had been in mind for a long time, that is, when Jeong-hwan himself thought that he could not rule North Korea with an iron fist forever for ten thousand years, but with the birth of democracy, the announcement was made a little earlier.
As it became known that the US military was not a horned devil eating babies, and that capitalism was not the invention of the bourgeoisie who unilaterally exploited the people, people began to realize little by little that the Kim dynasty had been terribly deceiving the people. .
Many of them only questioned the teachings of Kim Jong-il or Kim Il-sung, who had already died, but some came to believe that Jeong-hwan, who succeeded Kim Il-sung as leader, was also responsible.
And although only a small part of them, some people, mainly young college students, read Korean books and newspapers that came in via Vladivostok and came into contact with foreigners. I started to think that maybe.
‘This is unacceptable.’
In other words, the seeds of democracy were showing signs of being born for the first time in North Korea, and Jeong Hwan had to extinguish these sparks in advance in order to prepare and train a new ruler to succeed him.
And the ruler selected 100 workers who showed the highest ability and responsibility from among the Labor Party members selected through an admission procedure that fairly competes for all 23 million North Korean people, and after receiving training at the party-affiliated institutions, the internal affairs for several decades again It will be selected through competition and filtering.
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Not by lineage, but by ability.It is not determined by the will or popularity of the people like in democracies, but it is said that one of the best party members who has objectively verified their qualities, abilities, and loyalty to the system and the country from childhood through decades is hereditary. It was the succession scheme that Junghwan was thinking of.
‘So did Plato. A national leader should be trained by those who have the ability to lead, and who have received appropriate education and qualifications.’
And in order to complete such a succession, the Workers’ Party of Korea, which should play the role of a filter, had to establish a climate that prioritizes ability, performance, integrity and responsibility above all else.
In other words, it is like the Central Party School of the Communist Party of China (中國共産黨 中央黨校), which fosters future leaders of China, but there was a difference.
Although the Central Party School selects a large number of elites to maintain its oligarchy and collective leadership system.
The point was that this organization, the core party school of the Workers’ Party of Korea, which Jung Hwan would create under the leadership of the Workers’ Party of Korea, selects only one person.
There is only one person who will take over the position of general secretary after his retirement.