Dear Comrade Leader, Episode 229
“A lot of people have gathered. In the past, the People’s Security Ministry’s mobile riot squad would have dispatched first and responded immediately with pea bombs, and the whole family would have been educated on the revolution. As long as it doesn’t come out… … .”
“It has been more than 10 years since Comrade General Secretary put this rice in the people’s stomachs, so it is only natural that wind enters the heads of young children who did not know when they were hungry and hungry. Huh, look at that guy, does the guy who wears a hand that reads ‘Get out of the US capital!’ wears an American Calvin Klein watch? Tttttttt… … .”
Hyun Young-sook pursed her lips as she watched the driver swearing at the protesters, mostly college students, with his face painted as if it were his own.
Come to think of it, isn’t it a candid statement that reveals the motives and composition of this protester, as well as contradictions and limitations at the same time?
‘The age is definitely different from the last truck protest. This time, it was not the lower-class workers, but the students who were well-educated and equipped with logic, ideology, and theory. I wouldn’t back down if I gave him a few bucks.’
In fact, during the last truck union strike, it was an open secret that the student movement in the university district was connected, and that the forces dissatisfied with the leadership of the party were secretly formed around the university district.
However, this time, they did not cooperate with other factions, but came forward on their own.
As she watched the protesters marching on the university street from the window, she turned her head and asked a question to the secretary sitting next to her.
“How are the censorship groupers responding? In preparation for this kind of situation, the response policy that you have agreed to with Director Kim of Room 37 is going well, right?”
“It is all under the control of the party. From terrestrial broadcasters in the metropolitan area such as Chosun Central Broadcasting and Pyongyang TV, as well as cable to weather news. All broadcasts and radio waves in which the workers of the Central Inspection Committee are active will not report the demonstration, so you can take your time and think about responding.”
“like. Now, even if I go to our meeting, the general secretary will not set fire to me. At least for now.”
But this time, thinking that it will not always be enough, Hyun Young-sook touched her forehead.
In the past, there have been sporadic demands from workers for a wage increase or for university students to reform the party’s treatment, but this time the momentum of the protest was much sharper than before.
And the cause of the rekindling of this student movement, which had been in a frost for a while, was also decisive a few months ago, with an interview with the new Chinese President Bo Shi Lai and the three major relief movements.
Of course, such an interview was only a fuse, and at the root of the demands for social reform that have spread like flames among agents in recent years, like all social reform movements, there were dissatisfaction and suspicion about the absurdity and contradiction of the current social structure.
* * *
The time has come when the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), which has been following the path of rapid growth under the leadership of a development dictator named Kim Jeong-hwan for nearly 15 years, is finally suffering from the long-suppressed national measles.
– Our proud socialist constitution of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea states that ‘The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is based on the political and ideological unification of all the people based on the workers’ union led by the working class’. But is that really the case?
-The name of the party is the Workers’ Party of Korea, but aren’t the workers, who should be the backbone of the party and the state, being abused at low wages, murderous labour, and inhumane treatment in factories built with foreign capital? What kind of workers’ country is this?
– Without money, people are no longer people. In the past, distribution centers gave away even blood porridge for free, and inminban shared a pair of socks to overcome poverty. But the reality now is that even if you go on vacation to Southeast Asia in a van, you can’t earn even a single penny more, aren’t your eyes wide open? Who is responsible for creating such a cruel world?
-The same is true of relations with foreign powers! Shouldn’t our Korean people fight against the corrupted bourgeois ideology under the principles of independence, self-reliance and self-reliance and achieve liberation even for the people of South Korea? Isn’t that the founding ideology of the republic? But why do party executives in the republic bow their heads when American businessmen set up factories in the republic and lick their fingers when British bankers lend money? Isn’t this something of the party is terribly wrong?
-I heard that a leader who listens to the dissatisfaction of the masses has appeared in China, which now shares the socialist ideology with our republic, and a great change is taking place. Greedy capitalists abroad are no longer harassing the people, and corrupt and corrupt bureaucrats are self-criticizing on the streets. Our Chosun should follow that example too!
In summary, these energetic college students’ social movements are anti-foreign forces, anti-capitalism, anti-market economic system, nationalism, democracy, post-authoritarianism, and above all, anti-Americanism, as seen in most Asian countries that achieved rapid economic growth in a short period of time. had an anti-American character.
At first, small and secret learning groups (小組, study groups) were formed around the foreign language departments of Pyongyang and Nampo University, where they had the fastest access to Chinese news.
“Sorry for being late, it took me some time to review the editorial tone that will be published in the Rodong newspaper tomorrow morning.”
“Nonsense? What kind of argument?”
“’Student comrades, if you want to change society, change it by joining the party, loyal to the leader, and fighting the dissidents. Don’t make the mistake of being swept away by blood and needlessly falling into the extreme left error.”
“I’m fine. Gi-rae, once they join the party and watch the hard work of Comrade General Secretary for a few years, they will realize how foolish their actions were.”
“Since Manager Kim has already told you over there, don’t worry about it and sit down, comrade of the current manager. Then let’s start explaining again.”
Hyun Young-sook, who was having this conversation with Jang Seong-taek, looked at Jeong-hwan’s indifferent remarks and turned to Kim, who was standing in front of the presentation screen from the front podium.
Director Kim, who made eye contact with her, bowed his head slightly and shed an old-fashioned smile, but Hyun Young-suk, who had the most opportunity to work with him among the Politburo members sitting with a nervous face, could clearly see Kim’s true intentions.
After the last Koryo Ilbo’s Yushin article, Director Kim was desperate to make up for his mistakes.
“Then let’s start the briefing. Combining reports from the People’s Security Ministry and the inspection bureau of each provincial party committee so far, according to what they call among themselves, the so-called ‘Chosun Socialist Students’ Federation’ has held about 30 rallies in the past six months, among which are small or small. If we add up those that have not been counted since they disbanded soon, it seems that there will be more than 100 episodes.”
“What do these bastards want? What the hell is it that you are dissatisfied with the general secretary and the leadership of the party?”
“The Korean Socialist Student Federation… … If you simply condense the superficial demands of these groups called Student Chongryon and Hak Chongryon, they include raising the minimum wage, permission to form a union, enactment of a law on punitive damages against overseas companies employing Korean workers, etc… … . The most decisive one is this. … … Revision of Articles on the Guaranteed Direct System of the Supreme People’s Assembly and Secret Voting and the Superior Status of the Workers’ Party of Korea in the Socialist Constitution.”
“The Supreme People’s Assembly… … . In a nutshell, it is about distributing power to the National Assembly and legislative bodies and achieving representative democracy.”
At Junghwan’s slurred words, the faces of the Politburo members were half-and-half of anger and embarrassment.
Undoubtedly, those sitting here are the most direct and greatest beneficiaries of the current system established by Jeong-Hwan, the development dictatorship system of the Workers’ Party of Korea, and there was no good feeling for Hakchongryon college students who threatened that system.
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No, there were those who seriously advised Jeong Hwan that some urgent people should immediately send in military units and crush the General Federation in the name of disrupting social order, let alone good feelings.But Junghwan’s answer was ‘it’s still too early’.
“Really, comrades. Do you have a jaw that will unconditionally hit you? This kind of work should be dealt with calmly and delicately, like surgery. Did you know that I brought you, Kim, who has a strong reputation for this kind of business, to do just that? Let me show you my skills.”
“of course. Our room 37 continues to be a frack… … Hmmm, from what I found out through various channels and information gathering, including internal spies, the members of that Hakchongryon can be broadly divided into three groups or world factions.”
As the supreme leader seemed to acknowledge his ‘speciality’, Director Kim quickly brightened his eyes and bowed his head slightly.
Some party officials, including Jang Seong-taek, frowned as if they hated the look, but whether he knew it or not, Director Kim immediately began explaining the sect classification of the Hakchongryon.
“First of all, the first faction is a faction called the union, but in fact, these friends are not students. Literally, they are friends who ran out of work, complaining that they were not paid enough while working in the labor field, construction site, automobile factory, port, and transportation industry. The slogans such as the formation of a union and raising the minimum wage are being called out as the main axis.”
If we take a brief look at the industrial structure of North Korea here, in fact, for a developing country, it was hard to believe that other foreign development economists had such a well-balanced industry.
From the primary industry represented by oil and resource development to the secondary and 2.5 tertiary industries built up by acquiring South Korean companies, and the information and communication industry that has been growing rapidly in recent years.
Of course, it is unfamiliar to say that large-scale manufacturing, aircraft business, or shipbuilding industry, which must be based on a large domestic market due to the problem of national weight class, which is a sickly innate limitation, is unfamiliar, but still, an even balance of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd industries is the basis to become a middle-income country. To this day, the economy has maintained an exceptionally high growth rate.
As a result, wages were continuously rising, and recently, a certain level of social security system was introduced through oil money stably earned through oil.
Still, it could not be denied that the situation for most of the workers was objectively very poor.
In the early days of reform and opening up, people who were good at smelling money and imported goods from abroad or started their own businesses made great and small fortunes, but among the vast majority of outsiders of capitalism, those without money and skills worked as daily workers at construction sites or factories. I was enduring day by day.
Due to the inevitable fate of developing countries, foreign companies moving to North Korea had no choice but to pay them much cheaper than other countries, and safety accidents and industrial accidents also occurred every day.
And even though they did not learn separately in this situation, it was these laborers who stumbled together and organized clumsily on the basis of their survival instinct, and now occupy a large proportion in the Hakchhongryon.
“And the second faction, so to speak, is the head of the Hakchongryun guys, the student movement that is in charge of the brain, and the ‘athlete’, who play the most active role and are at least in number one of the most dangerous.”
“why?”
“Other bastards, for example, the labor community, are just hungry and come out with iron pipes because they don’t have money, so they don’t ask for anything politically. . They also came up with the request for a direct system of the Supreme People’s Assembly.”
As Director Kim said, the movement has been the most proactive and enthusiastic force of the Hak Chongryon since the last truck union protest.
Although there are many factions within the movement that they have different opinions even if they have learned a lot, there are many factions within the movement that deny the one-man leader dictatorship and aim for a Chinese-style democratic centralization system, to abolish the one-party system and pursue a Korean-American style parliamentary democracy. did
However, they were fundamentally the voices and brains of the Hak Chongryon.
Although the number of the three factions was at least the loudest, it was also a gathering of highly educated people who worked hard for ‘ideological enlightenment’ by publishing underground newspapers and handouts.
Moreover, as evidenced by rumors that even a party cadre, who is not lacking enough to make a living, joined the party, he was also the most accustomed to using not only computers, but also IT devices such as ‘cell phones’, which have been blowing hard in the Republic recently.
And now, when it was his turn to explain the last remaining faction, Director Kim hesitated slightly, unlike his usual smirk.
“What? What are you fussing about? Isn’t there still one last part left? Come on tell me!”
“ah… … I… … that is… … Actually, this part can be a little uncomfortable… … . The last faction is the ‘subject system’.”
“The main system… … ?”
Jang Seong-taek, who had beaten Chief Kim, now tilted his head as if trying to recall a vague memory.
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No, actually, some of the party executives were already coughing and glancing at Jeonghwan with indescribable expressions on their faces.And soon after, Director Kim gave a conclusion to their suspicions as if he was driving a wedge.
“Yes, it is the subject of the Juche idea. The intentions of these subject systems are irrelevant. I just miss the past. It is a group of people who think that ‘the old republic was better than it is now’.”
“If the old days were good, it’s because they are giraffes… … .”
“Yes, it is a faction that mainly focuses on retired military officers, and the ideology and goals of these friends are the simplest among the factions in the world. In fact, there is no such thing as an ideology, let’s quit the market economy system and capitalism and return to the old Juche ideology.”