Dear Comrade Leader, Episode 231
-done! won! I won! Our revolution has succeeded! Isn’t it? It wasn’t as difficult as I thought! haha!
-Finally, even in this republic, the dark period is over and the bud of true people’s democracy, the dawn, has sprouted! With this, the one-party dictatorship will be overthrown within ten years, and maybe… … We are going directly to the introduction of the multi-party system!
When the news came from the Ministry of Public Security that they would agree to the completely unexpected compromise and negotiation, the first reaction of the members of the Hakchongryon was the astonishment and joy of being unbelievable.
How could it not be?
They knew secretly how they demanded the right, freedom of assembly and demonstration, and freedom of the press, which were written only in the constitution of the south Korean people down there, and how their leaders responded to those demands.
After the reform and opening up, the censorship committee’s shrill blades and scissoring did not stop for all kinds of published media.
However, it was impossible in the first place to completely and permanently block all information exchanges at the time when the North-South exchanges were decided, no, at the time when the decision was made for reform and opening, as Jung Hwan himself predicted.
Even if everything else is blocked, how does it mean to block all the values of democracy, freedom, and human rights that are passed down from mouth to mouth of those who travel between North and South?
Secretly, there were people who searched for and read the biography of Jeon Tae-il and the writings, memoirs, and films about the Gwangju uprising.
More and more students began to be astonished to learn that the leader of South Korea is replaced every five years, and the incredible fact that if done wrong, the people will be impeached and forced to step down.
Those who only knew that the brave Korean People’s Army had defeated Saddam Hussein, the people’s enemy, and rescued the workers under the leadership of the great Comrade General Kim Jeong-hwan. He was furious when he learned that it had determined the downfall of Saddam Hussein.
Although it was just a ripple at first, just as these ripples overlap and overlap and create ripples on the surface of the water, it was the present Hakchongryon that these small movements that had been wriggling for the past 15 years after the reform and opening up came to fruition.
– Let’s get together! If an earthworm is stepped on, doesn’t it wriggle? To change the party and change this republic, you need an organization and a comrade!
-Student comrades! At the labor site, in the lecture hall, on the floor of the market! Or let everyone around you know as an uncensored medium and gather people! If you sit still, you will be in place forever!
-As you can hear, in China, with President Bo Si Lai as the head, the rich and debauchery hereditary party officials, the state-owned bourgeoisie! By rejecting the new and exploitative donjus who met him, real people’s socialism is being realized! Is there any way not to call it our republic?
In this way, a diverse group of people gathered.
Those who devoted themselves to the Hakchongryon to resist the iron fist dictatorship and overthrow democracy, those who jumped in to resist the harsh labor in factories and the pressure of unfair employers, or those who were just dissatisfied because they were pushed out of the current republic’s vested interests are centered in Pyongyang’s university district. by that
However, the majority of them had no idea that the party would accept some of the demands of the Hak Chongryon from the start, no, they considered them rioters, let alone acceptance, and thought it would be a good thing if they did not respond immediately with bullets.
Based on the books and media about the democratization struggle in South Korea that enlightened them, and the experience of living in the republic, that was the most rational conclusion. He was prepared to die and even wrote a will.
But suddenly, it is said that they are not ‘rioters’ or ‘anti-party elements’, but that they recognize them as partners in negotiations.
It’s not even about ‘acknowledging their existence’, it’s about ‘willingness to positively review their requirements’.
Were the Workers’ Party of Korea established by that great President Kim Il-sung and perhaps even his dear Comrade Kim Jeong-hwan, fearful of the rise of freedom and democracy in the republic?
But in any case, everyone was happy with one heart and one accord for this time.
A small stone thrown by Kim Jeong-hwan, who had been leading the republic for 17 years, unexpectedly collapsed the dam in the first time.
If you think about it a little bit, it was a very naive and childish mistake, but at least the current ones had no choice but to interpret it that way.
“Whatever it is! It’s good to win with blood, but it doesn’t get better because you won without blood! Was there a bloodless revolution?”
“Not like that! So now we have to decide on a leadership! How do you decide the first leaders of our Hakchongryon?”
“Ah, Giya, of course you have to vote! Not that nonsensical public vote to decide the members of the Supreme People’s Assembly! Voting in a truly democratic and free country!”
In the first place, since the official requirements of the Hakchongryon (actually, of the Hakchhongryon movement, the loudest voice), it was a secret ballot in which the basic voting principles were properly followed, rather than a vote that was merely a formal act. It was very natural to go in the direction of determining leadership by voting.
Therefore, each faction of the Hakchongryon will form a leadership through a general vote that guarantees one person one vote for all members after several months of campaigning by the delegates and the chairman, and decides to announce it on a large scale at the end of the year. It was easy to agree.
Intoxicated with a sense of victory that was obtained much sooner and more easily than expected, the Hakchongryon movement circles were busy blaring drums and horns, playing music on loudspeakers, marching through college towns, and holding rallies and demonstrations that would make the public aware of their presence.
And, watching Hak Chongryon slowly progress in the direction they intended, the Ministry of Public Security of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Jeong Hwan behind them were waiting for the right time.
Some executives gave uneasy eyes to the Hakchongryon, which is holding rallies and demonstrations, saying that every day is a long way off, and worried, saying, ‘I don’t know why the general secretary keeps neglecting those reactionaries’, and ‘Aren’t other people who look out for that too badly stained?’ We talked, but each time, Junghwan’s answer was the same.
“Leave it. Wouldn’t it only increase the backlash against our party if we beat him now anyway? I bet you will soon fall into the wild, so wait patiently until then.”
The public security agents who were waiting only for orders to crush Hoshitamtam Hakchongryeon or send them to Aoji could not understand why they were told to organize themselves and wait for them, but they had no choice but to follow the orders of the heavenly supreme leader.
However, it was soon proved that these predictions of Jeong-hwan and the Politburo were actually correct, as a series of bitter disputes arose between the world factions within the Hakchongryon prior to the election of the leadership.
* * *
“The soon-to-be-elected chairman and delegates, perhaps taken from our labor circles?”
“That’s right! First of all, isn’t our number of pages the most? That’s why democracy is so good! One vote per person! Quite frankly, let alone those of the main system, what did the sports people who used to roll their pens at university know about the hardships and sorrows of the labor field?”
“Girum, the only thing left to do now is form a leadership team, negotiate with the Ministry of Public Security, and get a bonus increase in wages! It’s a great world! Finally, this republic will truly become a workers’ country!”
To explain the factional conflict of Hak Chongryon, which in mid-to-late 2005 made a lot of noise in North Korean society, furthermore, Korean society and newspapers, and was the starting point of an indelible mark on the thoughts and lives of all peoples on the Korean Peninsula, first, the members of the two factions I needed to know about numbers.
First of all, the world sect, labor circle, movement circle, and main system of Hak Chongryon were surprisingly different organizations, not only in their ideology, but also in their origins and major directions of struggle within the same group.
However, once the democratic election had decided to elect a leadership to represent them all, the most advantageous was, of course, the largest number of labor unions.
As long as the democratic voting was declared, of course, the principle of one person, one vote must be followed. If we were to list the world factions in terms of the number of members, the first place was the labor circle, followed by the main system and, ironically, the movement circle, which could be called the central point, was the most minority. will be.
Aside from the population problem, North Korea, which significantly restricted the establishment of universities by taking advantage of Korea’s overflowing private university problems as teachers, had a relatively small number of university students compared to Korea. It was one of the main reasons why.
Moreover, rather than the movement that picked up difficult words such as People’s Socialism, Parliamentary democracy, collective leadership, and even college graduates, the labor community put forward the direct and immediate slogans such as ‘wage increase’, ‘extension of vacation’, and ‘ban on unilateral dismissal’. It was only natural that more people were drawn to it.
And it was clear that the faction that puts as many people in the leadership as possible could not only reflect their demands in the immediate negotiations between the Ministry of Public Security and the party, but will also lead the Hakchongryon in the future.
Of course, the official position of the Hakchongryon was ‘there is no compromise on all requirements’, but it is unrealistic to have the public security ministry (which seems to be) accept all the requirements of all factions, which miraculously broke the expectation that they would respond with violence in the first place. My heart had to be rushed.
Moreover, apart from these political gains and losses, it was also a serious problem that there was already a considerable emotional gap between the movement, which was the ideological brain of the Hak Chongryon, and the labor world, which was in charge of the limbs or torso.
– Those ignorant labor-based bastards are sure to hit the back of the head of our sports world this time too! Don’t you all remember the last truck protest? We were prepared to die for you guys, but what came as a result?
-At that time, I was rushed with blood and was suppressed early, but this time around, I even brought the Ministry of Public Security to the negotiating table.
-If you pick up a few pennies from the public security department, didn’t everyone go home because they liked it, let alone the systemic revolution? There is no way that the party executives and the donju people would give this kind of genius Ilwoo another chance! Giving these pigs the responsibility of commanding our front lines is suicide!
The sense of crisis in the movement world, a sense of victimization or a sense of choice was not very delusional; they were absolutely weak in terms of not only numbers but also in terms of securing an immovable support base from a political engineering point of view.
The factions of the Hakchongryon were largely divided into large factions such as labor, movement, and Juche system, but this is only a very broad classification.
Even among the factions, there were frequent migrations and gatherings, and movement between factions was severe, like boiling water.
The biggest characteristic was that there were many ‘intersections’ between factions.
This meant that there were people who had a lot of interest in the labor movement even though they had enemies in the sports world by classification, and although they were workers, they went to night colleges with hard work and entered late college students, which meant that there were a lot of members who could be regarded as sportsmen.
This was similar to the early Korean movement that started with the labor movement, but when it comes to a method of reflecting factional opinions in numbers, and entering a democratic election, it means the so-called lack of ‘concrete’ and no vote management.
The activists in the Hakchhongryon, who suffered from such double highs, finally made a decision to ban it two weeks before the leadership election.
A compromise with reality at best, or a handshake with the devil at worst, was a political solidarity with the second-largest subject system within the Hakchongryon.
-This is a decision I made with tears in my eyes for a greater cause! This painful decision of the present will be judged in the future as the spark that sparked a revolution in this republic!
Considering that the movement is a force that aims for a multi-party system and parliamentary democracy in a narrow sense, and a democratic central system that denies the dictatorship of the leader in a broader sense, solidarity with the Juche system that follows the Juche ideology was no different from marrying an elephant and a shark. From a purely political standpoint, it was clearly the right decision.
Due to the peculiarity of its ideology (?), the Juche system had almost no intersection between the labor and the movement circles, and its number was also the second largest within the Hakchongryon, so if the movement and the main system each gathered as many votes as possible, they would have a slight advantage over the labor world. Because it was possible.
And as proof of the calculations of these leaders in the movement, the first chairperson was returned to a college student from Kim University, who was one of the leaders in the movement, at the grand opening ceremony held at the end of 2005, which received unusual attention from the North Korean state media.
-Thank you for choosing me, comrades! In the future, our Hakchon-ryon will guarantee secret ballots, stipulate the constitution of democratic centralism, promote workers’ rights, and… … Well… … You have pushed forward with all your might, the goals of the establishment of the Juche Ideology Memorial Department within the party and the designation of a public holiday on the establishment date of the Juche idea!
But just as nothing is free in the world, association with the subject system meant that the movement system had to accept the requirements of the subject system to a large extent.
And one of those requirements was the stake in the main system in the struggle goal announced by the Hakchongryon to the party and public security officially announced at the erection meeting.
The Juche system, which occupied more than 40% of the delegates due to the overwhelming number of dominant votes, again cast a vote for the candidate for the chairperson of the movement.
However, there was one thing they overlooked as they were engrossed in internal political battles.
It was that they hardly considered the impression of the return of the Juche ideology to the vast majority of ordinary North Koreans and the middle class, who had faint expectations or favors for the activities of Hakchonnyeon, even though they could not directly lead the change outside of Hakchonnyeon. .
Hearing word-of-mouth, a large number of citizens who came to watch the Hakchhongryon erection contest must have witnessed the Juche system delegates clapping while sitting on the podium wearing the People’s Army uniform (which shows their identity well) and the heavy medals that covered them. At that time, these were the first things that stuck in their minds.
‘Aren’t those bastards called Hakchongryun crazy people?’
‘Is this the Hakchongryun you’ve only heard of? Ugh, disgusting, the delegates are full of scumbags, right? Are these comrades sane?’
‘The Juche idea? The nonsense of not giving that grain of rice? At first, they were shouting things like guaranteeing workers’ rights, so I secretly liked it, but it didn’t work out, but you bastards who are going to sit down with this drink! After all, even if our republic is suffering a little right now, we had to trust only the leadership of the party and one general secretary!’