There Is No Schlieffen in the German Empire chapter 30

There Is No Schlieffen in the German Empire 30

30 – Enemy of the Enemy

The Imperial Capital of the German Empire, Berlin.

As of September 1914, the frontlines where the allied countries were fighting could be divided into three major fronts: the Western Front against France, the Eastern Front against Russia, and the Balkan Front fighting against Serbia and Montenegro.

Among these fronts, the one where there was hope for a relatively quick resolution was the Balkan Peninsula. Austria had been pushing Serbia hard, and it seemed inevitable that Serbia would be destroyed if Bulgaria joined the war, even without our intervention.

The problem lay in the Western and Eastern fronts.

First, Russia, being a major power with a vast territory and a huge population, did not suffer fatal losses even after several defeats.

There was information that they were reorganizing the 1st and 2nd armies, which were annihilated in East Prussia, in Belarus, and planning to deploy the 9th and 11th armies to the battlefield. It was ambitious to expect to deal with a country that had the magical ability to increase its army as it fought, even without our additional reinforcements.

As for the West, it was difficult to launch an offensive without additional troops before Austria finished securing the Balkans and took over half of the Eastern Front. It was expected that reinforcements would be difficult until then.

“The conclusion depends on Austria’s efforts.”

I read the report that came up from the War Support Department KRA while chewing on the sandwich I had for lunch. Walter Rathenau’s command of the war economy was running much more efficiently than the previous round.

In the past, it took time for KRA to fully tap into Germany’s economic potential due to the lack of cooperation and interference from the war performance, imperial government, and companies, but this time was different. It was thanks to me giving full authority to KRA and organizing the transportation.

Even amidst the hardships of naval blockade, large-scale conscription, and food shortages in the previous round, Walter Rathenau, like a bulldozer, was handling the necessary tasks somehow, showing his ability to sustain the German Empire’s war economy for four years.

Summing up his work:

1. KRA made efforts to utilize alternative routes, including neutral countries, to maintain the pre-war trading capacity. Continuation of trade was crucial for acquiring hardened coins and raw materials necessary for wartime operations.

This was also a necessary measure to maintain the dominance of the German chemical industry, which controlled 90% of the global market. Although Germany’s technological prowess was superior, the power of the United States and Britain was not to be underestimated, so it was necessary to continue exports and imports in order to maintain market share.

2. They raised capital from financial institutions in the neutral countries of the United States and the United Kingdom, and provided loans from German banks to businesses, focusing on credit supply. This measure was necessary not only for the expansion of the defense industry, which needed to rapidly increase productivity for the war, but also to create economic relationships that would prevent these countries from completely leaning towards Russia during negotiations.

3. They exempted skilled workers from military service and supported automation, integrated small and inefficient businesses into large corporations, and focused on improving production efficiency. In the modern consumer society that valued mass production and consumption, a strict quality management system based on craftsmanship was not helpful for the war effort, so these measures were necessary.

4. They encouraged the development of new raw materials to replace the ones needed by Germany’s war industry and set priorities for resource allocation to maximize the operating rate of military factories. Although it was a short time, the KRA achieved the remarkable feat of reducing the production of non-essential consumer goods for the war by more than 80%.

In addition, the KRA implemented various measures to improve productivity and stabilize the defense economy.

Thanks to this, the unemployment rate, which had reached 22.7% in the previous period, was being managed at 12%. Although it couldn’t compare to the pre-war unemployment rate of 2.7%, it was considered a very good level considering the situation of just entering the war.

“The economy is running reasonably well. Excellent.”

Compared to the same period, the transition to a defense economy was proceeding smoothly and orderly. There seemed to be no major problems in the production of military supplies needed by the army.

The sandwich in my hand disappeared as I read the report.

“The problem is the budget deficit.”

The war was like a monster devouring gold. Germany was enduring such bleeding on a global battlefield.

As time went on, they had to take responsibility for the finances of the Allied countries, which had limited economic power. Allied countries like Austria did not have a solid national budget even in peacetime.

However, no matter how solid the German Empire’s economy was, it was difficult to endure such consumption, especially when burdened with the debts of the Allied countries.

In fact, 92% of the war expenses in the first month were not covered by revenue, but by bonds and loans. It was all debt.

Thinking about the debts that had to be repaid after the war made my appetite sour.

At that moment, the bell rang, announcing the arrival of the person who was supposed to visit from Constantinople.

“Huh? Constantinople?”

As I thought about it, I remembered that Hans Freiherr von Bagenheim, the German ambassador to Constantinople, had sent a message asking me to listen to an important person he was sending.

I had given permission and even instructed the bellman. It wasn’t dementia in the game, but I seemed to have forgotten it because I was preoccupied with various things these days.

After searching through the documents I had put in the drawer a few times, a name that didn’t quickly come to mind finally emerged in my head.

“My name is… Alexander Parvus. I’ve seen this name somewhere before.”

I reread Von Bargenheims’s letter. It was a letter I hadn’t had time to finish reading, but towards the end, there was a brief description of a man named Alexander Parvus.

Reading that description brought back memories of Parvus from the previous encounter.

“Now I remember. Yes, it was him.”

The reason I couldn’t recall Alexander Parvus right away was because he had made contact with Germany a few months later. It felt like my mind had become a little sluggish for not immediately remembering such a person. But Parvus is already attempting to make contact with us?

“He was the one who safely delivered Lenin’s sealed train to Russia in the previous encounter.”

Before that, Parvus had participated directly in the 1905 Russian Revolution, spreading fake Austro-Hungarian Empire newspapers to instigate a crisis in the Russian Empire’s economy.

Not only that, he became a political and financial advisor to the Young Turks, supporting them with weapon imports and propaganda activities.

Later, when World War I broke out, he proposed a plan to the German Imperial government to invest secret funds in Russia, inducing a large-scale strike to paralyze the Russian economy.

He sponsored Bolsheviks and separatists in the Eastern Intelligence Bureau, supported writers critical of the Tsarist regime, and recommended a grand strategy to internally destroy Russian society.

He himself had schemed to disrupt the bankers in Petrograd and cause a bank run, and in the Black Sea, he had blown up a Dreadnought-class battleship to hinder the Russian Navy from gaining the upper hand.

While I was reading the document, the butler brought Parvus in and knocked on the door.

“Please come in.”

The butler opened the door and let the man into the room. He had a warm demeanor like a local middle-aged man, but there was strength in his eyes. Alexander Parvus politely bowed and showed his respect.

“Thank you for granting me an audience, Your Excellency.”

“So, you’re the person recommended by Ambassador Bargenheim. Yes, the fact that you, a Russian, briefed the German Ambassador in Constantinople on a plot to destroy the Russian Empire is quite fresh news.

So, I have a question. Are you not hesitant to seek foreign assistance to bring about the collapse of the Russian regime?”

“As Your Excellency has guessed, I see the defeat of Russia as a necessary means to bring about a socialist revolution.”

Is that so?

From Noble mtl dot com

I threw a direct question at him.

“If Germany were to establish a more robust regime than the Tsarist government as a result of Russia’s collapse in the war, would it dominate the European continent?”

“Of course.”

It seemed that Parvus had a belief that socialism would ultimately achieve victory.

“Interesting. The belief in socialism. There’s no need for me to say anything about your faith. At least for now, it seems like Jim and your enemy are joining forces. Isn’t that right?”

“I agree with Your Majesty’s words.”

The butler brought coffee and placed it on the table. I held out my palm, gesturing for him to pour me a cup of tea.

“Try it. Jim’s butlers are quite skilled.”

“It’s an honor.”

Parvus behaved humbly, but he didn’t act like my subject. To a socialist, the monarch was not someone to serve, but a target to be overthrown.

He took a sip of coffee and nodded.

“It has a pleasant aroma.”

“Expensive things always have their worth.”

“If you can achieve similar utility at a lower price, then the story is different, isn’t it?”

I knew what he was talking about. Parvus was saying that using secret funds was much cheaper than the expenses consumed by war. I also thought so, so I didn’t spare any cost for various operations.

“Of course. But that’s only when there is certainty.”

“If it’s not impolite, would Your Majesty give me a chance to share my thoughts?”

“Go ahead.”

I drank my coffee and listened to Parvus’ briefing.

As expected, Parvus explained the background of the events that had taken place in the previous chapter. I nodded as I listened to the story and suddenly threw out a sentence.

“Alright then. But the things you’re talking about, we’ve already planned them.”

It wasn’t an exaggeration.

I began my secret mission to undermine the foundation of the Eastern Information Bureau by spreading cryptic messages. Except for a few things, the situation was almost ready to start, so there was no need to rely on Parbuss’ help.

If anything, I could send Lenin’s sealed train.

Parbuss looked slightly surprised.

“Still, I think I can give you some work.”

I shook the bell and the butler brought a map.

Soon, the butler placed a large map of Europe on the table. My finger pointed to a spot on the map.

“The place where your talent is needed is right here.”

Parbuss looked at the map and seemed confused.

“France?”

I took a sip of hot coffee. The hot aroma slowly spread in my mouth. I really enjoyed this sweet aftertaste.

“The birthplace of the Third Republic, which emerged after the murder of the Commune de Paris, the homeland of the socialists. Isn’t it a worthy adversary for a socialist like you, just like Russia?”

The first socialist government in the world, born just after the Franco-Prussian War, the Paris Commune was crushed by the interference of neighboring powers and the ruthless suppression of the republican government.

“But France is a democratic country. It’s not a weak country like the Tsar regime.”

“Under normal circumstances, that’s true. But isn’t France in a state of war? The Paris Commune was born out of war. Just like you claimed that Russia needed to be destroyed through a war with foreign countries.”

Parbuss was surprised when he realized that I even knew his personal argument.

“How do you know that, Your Excellency?”

“Jim is more interested in socialism than you think. He studied Karl Marx and knows enough about Trotsky and Lenin. It’s arrogant to just sit back and do nothing when there might be an adversary like Jim, who is not like the monarchs who only talk about being scared of socialists.”

“….”

“But that’s not really important. What’s important is whether you will accept Jim’s proposal. So, let me ask, do you have any intention of taking on this task for the German Empire?”

Parvus pondered for a moment and nodded.

“I will follow Your Majesty’s proposal.”

There was no reason for Parvus to refuse the offer. If France were to be destroyed, Russia, having lost its most powerful ally, would inevitably face its own demise.

As a means to achieve his goal of the destruction of the Russian regime, the Grand Duke of France was not a bad move.

At the same time, if the socialist revolution in France were to succeed, it would instantly change the political landscape by forming a strong socialist bloc in both the west and east of Europe. As a socialist, Parvus had no reason to refuse.

“Of course, I have no intention of leaving France uncommunistized.”

Even if France were to become communist, it would be enough for Bismarck to crush the revolutionary forces, just as he did after the Franco-Prussian War.

“Well then, a suitable strategy will be necessary. Can we use the plan we had for Russia?”

“Of course.”

Parvus looked at the map for a moment before expressing his thoughts.

“Excuse me, but could I have information on the casualties of the French army?”

It was absurd for a civilian to demand military secrets or similar information.

But since I had decided to entrust him with the task, I provided him with the latest figures collected from the battlefield, not just propaganda numbers.

“I believe it’s approximately 50,000.”

Although the number of fatalities was around 10,000, when combined with the wounded and injured, it was estimated to be around 50,000.

Parvus furrowed his brow slightly upon hearing the figures.

“If the casualties are only around 50,000 out of a French population of just over 40 million, then the weariness of war may not be so high.”

It was not an incorrect statement.

France began to feel weary of the war only from the mid-point, when the casualties exceeded one million.

However, this is a story from when I did nothing.

“It seems like you made a mistake. Jim has been consistently spreading propaganda in Paris and its surroundings since the beginning of the war. It means that even the French in the rear of the front line vaguely know that the damage to them is terrible.”

“Well, then the story is a bit different. It’s like what Japan did during the Russo-Japanese War. From that premise, the duke can have a significant impact. First, we will attack the financiers in Paris, just like what was done in Russia in 1905.”

“A bank run, huh? Considering the difference in scale between Petrograd and Paris, it won’t be an easy task, right?”

“Of course, it’s not an easy task. But wouldn’t the story be different if rumors of the front line spread? For example, if Bulgaria and Romania join the war as allies, or if the German army on the Eastern Front is moving massively westward, it’s the kind of coded language.”

It was a rumor that was enough to make the bourgeoisie in Paris feel fear, although it was not completely impossible.

“At the same time, there is a need to induce a strike. In Russia, we planned to incite a general strike by using the proletariat to demand bread and supplies, but in France, we will try a different approach.”

“Specifically?”

“A ceasefire.”

“No way, are you trying to use the French branch of the Second International?”

I had a slightly surprised expression.

Before the war, the Second International advocated the logic of preventing war by relying on the solidarity of workers, but it could not withstand the waves of patriotism and nationalism that were based on the “defense of the homeland” ideology.

Thus, the now discredited International was destined to be dissolved in 1916.

Parvus confirmed my speculation.

“That’s right. The values ​​advocated by the Second International are the only driving force that can move the workers through strikes.”

“But if that were possible, they wouldn’t even be able to carry out the war. Is that the reality now?”

“That’s not the case. But there is still room to appeal to them logically. The blood shed by the French through the current offensive will be a persuasive tool for them.”

“So, the logic is to use the shells and weapons used in the offensive to save French compatriots who shed blood on the front lines by reducing coal production?”

“That’s the idea. If we say that we should use strikes as a means of pressuring the government to stop the reckless offensive and focus only on defending the homeland, the Second International will positively accept it.

Of course, if it doesn’t work, there’s nothing we can do, but isn’t it a case of cutting one’s losses?”

“Hmm.”

“Furthermore, it is necessary to launch a propaganda campaign by redirecting French prisoners through neutral countries like Switzerland. We must endlessly instill defeatism, the belief that we cannot possibly defeat Germany, in order to undermine France’s strong unity.”

In the Russian Empire as well, voices of discontent with the war had erupted due to the prevalence of defeatism. It was also necessary to sow defeatism in order to bring down France.

“You speak the truth.”

“We must also shake up the colonies. The French people will feel even greater fatigue in the war if the burden in the colonies becomes heavier than it is now.”

“That is something we are already doing.”

Preparations were underway, spanning across Asia and Africa. The scope of the damage was expanding.

“We should also stimulate separatism within France.”

“Do you mean Brittany?”

I thought of the Bretons, who were known for their strong sense of identity even within France. There were also regions like the Basque Country, who dreamt of being independent nations, but they were individuals who would rise up if an opportunity presented itself without the need for interference.

“Yes, Your Majesty. Within the Third Republic, Brittany has considerable dissatisfaction towards the French Republic due to the prohibition of the Breton language and incidents like the Camp Conlie affair.”

“How on earth did you know about that?”

“To a socialist, isn’t France like a motherland?”

Parvus continued to pour out his ideas from his seat.

I was in awe of his story and agreed with most of his proposals.

When Parvus finally finished speaking, I smiled at him and said,

“The more I listen, the more convinced I am that it was right to propose a trip to France for you. Whatever resources you need to overturn France, request them. I will provide as much support as possible within the limits. For now, I will offer 5 million marks for the success of your mission.”

“Thank you, Your Majesty.”

I reached out my hand first to Parvus, requesting a handshake.

Parvus was taken aback by the handshake request from the German Emperor, but he extended his hand.

“From this moment on, until the end of the Great War, you shall be a friend of Germany.”

“I will think the same.”

I called for a servant to arrange a nice hotel room for Parvus, then I sank into a chair.

I gradually felt the pieces of the puzzle coming together, leading us towards victory in this war.

*

1) On October 20, 1916, a mysterious fire broke out on the Empress Maria Dreadnought battleship, leading to its sinking. While the Russian authorities announced that the accident was caused by the spontaneous combustion of a projectile, there were speculations that it was a plot orchestrated by socialists.

2) Parvus wanted to become a naturalized German citizen, but the German government refused to accept him due to his dangerous socialist background.

3) A peninsula in northwestern France. It was named Brittany, meaning “Land of the Britons,” when the Celtic people migrated from the British Isles to escape the invasion of the Anglo-Saxons.

4) One of the 11 military camps established in France during the Boer War. Brittany natives were assigned here, and due to poor conditions and mismanagement, 143 people died from non-combat losses and 2,000 were hospitalized. This incident had a significant impact on Breton nationalism.

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