36 – Until the Last One.
The palace of the Crown Prince of Athens, the capital of the Kingdom of Greece (New Royal Palace).
King Constantine I of Greece was a person friendly towards Germany. His wife was Princess Sophia of Prussia, the sister of the Kaiser, and he himself had a deep connection with Germany as he had served in the Imperial German Guard Corps and studied in Heidelberg and Leipzig.
Constantine was convinced that Germany would ultimately win the war, but considering the naval supremacy of the negotiating countries in the Mediterranean, he believed it was better for Greece not to participate in the war. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, George Streit, also supported the king’s policy of neutrality.
In the previous chapter, Prime Minister Venizelos, who had argued for participation on the negotiating side, did not argue for joining the Entente side after seeing that Britain did not participate.
However, that did not mean that the voices seeking expansion disappeared. Nationalists who coveted Albanian territory saw this war as a golden opportunity to merge with Northern Epirus.
“If not now, when the great powers are distracted by the war, when will we be able to reclaim the unjustly lost territory? The government must take immediate action!”
“Incorporate Northern Epirus into Greece!”
On the other side, some argued that it was dangerous to unnecessarily provoke the great powers.
“Albania is a country whose sovereignty and territory have been guaranteed by the great powers. What will happen if we touch their territory and the major powers intervene?”
“It is best to maintain the status quo. We can negotiate and find a solution gradually. Why create trouble by forcefully pushing the issue?”
The king supported the moderate faction that advocated against intervention in Albania, but discontent was growing under the surface.
In this delicate situation, Venizelos initiated military actions against Albania and the king, mindful of the nationalists’ dissatisfaction, could not stop his plan.
The adventure seemed somewhat successful. The Greeks were elated by the victory they achieved in Northern Epirus, momentarily forgetting the war-related controversies, and the nationalists reduced their criticism of the government due to the gains they had easily obtained.
However, the easy acquisition of land brought about an unforeseen disaster.
Constantine I was in disbelief upon hearing the declaration brought by the German ambassador. Wilhelm von Mirbach, the newly appointed German ambassador, spoke in a gentle tone, but his words carried a warning beneath the formality.
“If you do not return Northern Epirus to Albania, it can be considered an act of aggression against the alliance? Ambassador, are you saying that Kaiser truly said such things?”
Constantine believed that the Kaiser’s cold attitude was retaliation for his refusal to join the war. Otherwise, there would be no reason for it to turn out like this.
“Yes, Your Majesty. The rightful owner of Albania, King Wilhelm, has petitioned to Berlin and Vienna to drive out the invaders, and the Kaiser has agreed to comply.”
The King did not argue for the legitimacy of Greek rule over Northern Epirus. After all, it was the Triple Alliance that had driven out Greece and Serbia from Albania by establishing an international control commission.
Did they have any reason to spit in their own faces? It seemed unlikely.
“I will consult with the Prime Minister.”
The King had no choice but to reply like that. It would be reckless to oppose the German camp, which had almost defeated the Balkans, without enough power to resist their demands. The experience of the powerful German army in his youth also made Constantine cautious.
After the German ambassador left, the King summoned the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister to the palace.
As soon as Minister Georgios heard the King’s story, he was startled and said that the army should be mobilized immediately.
“This is a cunning ultimatum. We cannot afford to give excuses when Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire are already coveting our land. Northern Epirus may be an important territory, but it is not worth risking the nation for an adventure.”
The King agreed with Georgios’ words.
“What is the Prime Minister’s opinion?”
Venizelos, who represented political ideologies such as liberalism, civic democracy, and nationalism, could be considered another axis of Greek politics that could oppose the King. If he opposed, there was almost nothing Constantine could do.
After pondering for a moment, Venizelos expressed his opinion.
“Your Majesty, we cannot easily back down from this issue.”
“Tell me why.”
“Germany’s warning is certainly a matter that should not be ignored, but this is a matter of territory at stake. We should first see if we can negotiate diplomatically with Berlin and then engage in diplomacy with neutral countries, including Britain.”
“The Prime Minister seems to be taking a stance of not stepping back.”
“Which country would give up its land so easily with just a few words?”
It was not an incorrect statement, but according to international law, Northern Epirus was not Greek territory. It was precisely because of this point that the king did not consider playing tug-of-war.
“What will you do if Germany comes out strongly and we can’t handle the aftermath?”
“They won’t come out that aggressively. I will visit the British Embassy again and secure a guarantee of safety.”
As Venizelos spoke so strongly, the king had no choice.
“Very well. Let’s try negotiations, as the Prime Minister suggests.”
The Greek king sent this response to the German Embassy.
*
“I heard that Albania made a declaration of war, and you seemed to get worked up.”
I chuckled when I saw the message that flew in from Athens, exclaiming, “Oh, how heated!”
The Greek government abandoned the attitude of trying negotiations and immediately responded that they would mobilize troops in Northern Epirus without any conditions.
They were afraid that they would end up like Serbia and Montenegro if they needlessly provoked us.
“I heard that Greece surrendered as soon as they heard the declaration of war.”
Foreign Minister Gortlip also smiled at my words.
“Isn’t that the expected result? They are weak enough that they cannot stand up to Berlin without the support of Britain.”
“That’s true. How is the reaction from the British side?”
I asked about the British attitude towards Albania’s involvement in the war.
“British Ambassador Edward Goschen visited the Foreign Office and protested that Albania’s intervention in the war violates the will of the International Control Commission as an illegal act.”
“Is that all?”
“In the current situation, yes.”
‘They’ll probably just stop at empty warnings.’
It was not a bad outcome.
I sipped my coffee and brought up the impending issue.
“Have the opinions of the allied countries regarding the Albanian partition been roughly summarized?”
I asked about whether opinions had come up in the practical dimension.
“Yes. Bulgaria has informed us that they are prepared to be satisfied with obtaining a port leading to the Adriatic Sea. It seems that their sphere of influence can be established by adding a small border area to the northern Epirus that Greece had.”
“What about Austria?”
“More precisely, Hungary has decided to take all that remains. There were indications in Vienna that they wanted to hand over all Slavic territories to Hungary.”
So everything controversial goes to Budapest?
It was not a behavior that was difficult to understand.
“They have come to an agreement to an extraordinary extent in just a few days. Or perhaps they had coordinated from the beginning?”
“Probably not, right?”
At the time of the attack on Serbia-Montenegro, there was room for Albania to be included as an appendix. So it wouldn’t be strange if they had coordinated their opinions in advance.
“What are the plans for the International Control Commission?”
Formally, Albania was functioning as an assistant to the International Control Commission. The International Control Commission had sent an international garrison to support the governance, but its function had practically ceased with the fall of the capital.
However, as the form and justification were still intact, leaving it alone without any thought could become a problem.
“We plan to order the dissolution of the Control Commission in the name of King Wilhelm. The fact that it is an ineffective institution that cannot guarantee the safety of the ruler of the kingdom is the justification for its dissolution.”
“The appearance is neatly arranged. I believe they will also take care of the details without any noise.”
Today, I felt like my digestion would be good.
*
Bar, southern Montenegro.
Despite the gloomy front line due to the fall of Mount Lofczen, the final blow was dealt. Serbian Crown Prince Alexander read the report with a dark expression.
“…(omitted)…. Holding Albania responsible, we, the Kingdom of Albania, declare war on Serbia, Montenegro, Russia, and France.”
Upon hearing the contents of the report, General Gary of the French army covered his face with both hands. King Nikola Petrovich of Montenegro crossed his arms, closing his eyes. Serbian Army Commander Pavel Yurishich Strum sighed deeply.
A heavy silence dominated the headquarters.
In fact, the declaration of war by King Wilhelm of Albania, who had lost the capital to the rebels, posed no threat to them. The problem was that Albania had entered into an alliance while declaring war.
Thanks to the pretext provided by Albania, the Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian armies were able to openly deploy troops to Albania. This was the reason that infuriated them.
Unfortunately, the negotiating party did not have any additional troops to deploy to the newly opened front line. If there had been such troops, they would have already been deployed to the front line. Despair… Nothing could be seen except for the distant despair clouding their vision.
In the tense atmosphere, Serbian Supreme Commander Ladomir Putnik spoke up.
“Even if the Albanian border is open, the enemy will not reveal themselves on the eastern border within a day. And the border is protected by the Bojana and Drin rivers, connected to Lake Skadar, providing a natural barrier. I believe that if we deploy our forces and create a defensive line, we can buy some time.”
“And where do you suggest we get those forces? You know better than anyone, General, that we have no soldiers, even if we squeeze our resources,” King Nikola of Montenegro asked.
“The elderly and children. We will mobilize anyone capable of wielding a weapon. Don’t we still have a large number of refugees with us?”
The French were astonished at the General’s words.
“Mobilizing civilians who haven’t even received basic training, especially the elderly and infirm, is a crime. It won’t make a difference even if we mobilize them. Please reconsider, Your Excellency.”
“Then do you have another way to gather troops?” Putnik asked with a heavy tone.
“….”
“If we defend the last line of defense and send guerrilla units into Albania for delaying tactics, I believe we can buy at least a week. If there is another way, please let us know. I will gladly listen.”
The old commander of Serbia did not mention the bloodshed and the price to be paid in the process.
However, the battlefield was originally an inhumane and cruel place. If one wanted to uphold morality and humanity, they had to be in the position of the strong, even if they had to show such flexibility. Unfortunately, the negotiating forces of the Balkans were in the position of the weak.
“We are not flexible enough to choose means and methods. Is there anything to hide in the matter concerning the fate of the two national states of Serbia and Montenegro?”
Colonel Pable, the commander of the Third Army, raised his hand while listening to the enemy’s riverside.
“Please speak, General.”
“I am not opposing Your Highness’s opinion, but it requires a premise. How do you plan to secure the weapons to give to them? Isn’t our army already lacking weapons and ammunition?”
Futnik spread his palm and tapped the table.
“There are old artifacts like this furniture, right? Even if we give them weapons, aren’t they people who won’t be able to use them properly?”
There were quite a few antique hunting rifles and artifacts that were rolling around in the hands of refugees, from the 17th century to the Balkan Wars. Futnik intended to arm people with these old weapons and farming tools.
King Nikola of Montenegro raised his head upon hearing his story.
“Are you saying that we should confront a powerful enemy army with such weapons? It’s even more nonsensical than charging infantry with machine guns.”
“If we don’t make it that way, the number of people who can withdraw through the Bar Harbor will be reduced by less than half.”
“….”
The meeting ended in a heavy atmosphere.
As Montenegrin King Nikola did not oppose Futnik’s plan, the defense preparations proceeded quickly. The overall operation was led by Bozidar Jankovic, the Chief of Staff of the Montenegrin Supreme Command, who was dispatched to Montenegro as a Serbian commander and also served as the deputy of the Serbian Supreme Command.
From Noble mtl dot com
Bozidar Jankovic, a Serbian commander deployed to Montenegro, was the right person to command such a joint operation as he also served as the deputy of the Serbian Supreme Command. Milos Bojanovic, the commander of the Serbian Army’s Udiče Army (currently the reserve army), supported Bozidar Jankovic in carrying out his mission.
“We will now begin the mobilization. Those who stand in this line will all be assigned to the field army and fulfill their duty to defend the country. When the classification is complete, move quickly to the next line.”
A Serbian officer shouted loudly in front of the crowd consisting of the elderly, children, women, and disabled. When he gestured with his eyes, Serbian soldiers began to penetrate through the crowd and quickly select people.
“Oh, no. Only our daughter. I sent all four of my sons to the army, please look at this child. Please, I beg you.”
As the daughter was dragged away, held by her wrist, the old mother lamented in a pitiful voice. In response, the Serbian soldiers reacted like this.
“Your mother seems to be in good spirits. Let’s go together, my dear. I’ll take you this way.”
The wailing woman momentarily wore a dumbfounded expression before being dragged out of the ranks.
“You seem able to walk, old man. How old are you this year? You look about 60.”
“I’m exactly 70.”
“You seem quite spry. Good. Let’s go that way.”
“I didn’t even hold a gun during the Balkan War, and now you want me to carry a weapon? Isn’t that too much? My eyes are dim and my hearing is fading.”
“Then at least help us carry the baggage. We need one more person. Let’s go that way.”
“Ugh. Damned bastards.”
Muttering, the old man walked towards where the soldiers pointed.
“Hey, how old are you this year?”
“I’m twelve.”
“Well, you’re old enough. Come with me too.”
“No, what can this kid do?”
“If you’re twelve, then it’s the age to herd sheep and tend to cows, isn’t it?”
“What does that have to do with carrying a weapon?”
“Because you’re better than the old men and women. Next!”
Serbian soldiers, as long as they could walk and carry a weapon, regardless of gender, physique, or age, pulled them all out. The classification criteria were so lenient that almost half of the crowd gathered were classified as reserve candidates.
The ruthless conscription did not only target the Serbians.
In the reception area of Montenegro on the opposite side, the same thing was being repeated by Montenegrin soldiers.
In this way, the negotiating forces gathered over 100,000 people in just one day. And they planned to mobilize another 100,000 within two days. It was truly an astonishing mobilization power.
If it were so easy to create an army with true combat power, any country would have filled their reserves with conscripts instead of maintaining a standing army.
But reality was not so simple.
This haphazardly gathered group was more akin to a crowd than an army. They were of no value as a fighting force, as they would crumble in an instant with just one proper battle. Such an army would only consume supplies and resources.
The commanders of the negotiating army knew these shortcomings, but they organized this makeshift army out of urgency.
They believed that by creating a defensive line and deploying troops there, they could momentarily halt the advance of the Austrians.
Lieutenant Grellier of the French expeditionary force evaluated this inept army as follows:
“Half of them are women and children. The other half are elderly and wounded soldiers missing body parts. It would be a miracle if they could march 5 kilometers in a day.
Looking at the weapons they have, even Napoleon’s Grande Armée or the French army of Louis XIV would seem far superior.
Even if we were to give these ragtag individuals weapons on par with Prussia, they would be useless as they lack the ability to use them properly. It is impossible to teach the principles and tactics of modern warfare to a group of elderly people who have only fired a rifle. Even if it were possible, there is no time or money to train them.
They cannot be called an army; they are a pitiful group that should not be called upon.”
Grellier believed that it was right to surrender the remaining people at the eastern border when it became impossible to resist the advancing Serbian-Montenegrin forces, but that would not be advantageous for his homeland, France.
If over a million allied troops were released from here, the pressure that Paris would face would be beyond imagination.
That is why Grellier couldn’t strongly express his opposition to this absurd decision.
This was the essence of war.
To impose inhumane decisions, make people accustomed to them, and eventually make them make such decisions themselves.
Lieutenant Grellier himself vaguely felt this fact.
He watched the slow-moving lines with heavy eyes for a long time.