58 – The Collapse of the Russian Empire (1)
The failure to break through the Dardanelles caused a serious backlash in the British government.
“As a sign of protest against pushing forward with the operation for political reasons, I will resign.”
Starting with the resignation of the First Sea Lord, voices of discontent began to rise within the Navy.
“If we can’t even break through Dardanelles while claiming to save Russia, then what’s the point? If we were going to do it, we should have done it properly.”
“We should have deployed the Army after all.”
If there had been an Army, they could have subdued all the fortresses and protected the Navy’s flanks.
The situation turned into a blame game for the failure of the operation.
In response to the question of who led the operation, the accused defended themselves as follows.
“My operation was flawless. The lack of power for the breakthrough, the absence of the Army, France’s uncooperative attitude. It’s not all my fault, is it? The failure of the operation is everyone’s responsibility.”
“That’s nonsense. Get rid of them!”
The accused’s defense was not accepted.
Lloyd George intended to resolve this issue by dismissing the First Lord of the Admiralty.
However, it was also true that there was no sharp solution other than breaking through the Dardanelles to help Russia.
And it was not possible to break through the Baltic Sea either.
The British government, after much deliberation, prepared a second attack plan on the Dardanelles. This time, they planned to mobilize not only more traps than the first attack, but also a large-scale Army from Egypt.
But the actions of the British were too slow.
On March 1, 1915, while the British army was preparing for a second offensive, the Allied forces launched a spring offensive to put an end to Russia’s fate.
The offensive, which started on the front lines stretching from Latvia in the north to eastern Poland in the east and Bessarabia in the south, immediately crippled Russia.
With a total of 300 Allied divisions pushing forward, Russia couldn’t regain its composure. Both in terms of scale and quality, the Russian army was clearly at a disadvantage.
“Your Majesty, the intensity of the German offensive is beyond imagination. It seems impossible to avoid the fall of Minsk and Riga within two weeks.”
“The 7th Army at the Romanian border has been annihilated. Odessa is also in danger.”
This was the conversation that Admiral Tserov, who had come by a dedicated train to Minsk to hear the situation firsthand, was having. Minsk was the capital of Belarus, and Riga was the second major base of the Baltic Fleet. And what about Odessa?
Surrendering all of that was tantamount to the empire’s halfway downfall.
“Even though Britain participated, why hasn’t the situation changed?”
“For now, Britain cannot do anything for us.”
Tserov despaired at those words.
When Britain joined the war and stories of the Dardanelles attack emerged, Tserov had no doubt that he would be able to return the humiliation he was currently experiencing to “Billy.”
The situation was completely different now.
As time went on, it was Russia that grew increasingly weary. Procuring ammunition and supplies from abroad was not easy, let alone immediate.
“What on earth are the generals doing on the front lines? It’s tiresome to receive reports of defeat every time. If you have a mouth, speak up.”
Tserov exploded in anger.
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Now, he was tired of even believing the reports of incompetent generals, and he didn’t want to be deceived and fall for lies.
“Your Majesty.”
“Yes, your Majesty.”
“Thank you for serving the empire so far. From now on, I will personally take command of the entire army.”
Tserov dismissed General Nikolai, the supreme commander, and clearly stated his intention to take control himself. The bewildered Nikolai was at a loss for words.
The generals were astonished by Char’s statement, but the monarch did not change his mind. Char then proceeded to decapitate the generals whom he deemed “incompetent.” In their place, the generals recommended by Rasputin took their seats.
While the Russian military leadership was in turmoil, the Allied forces advanced with great momentum. The chaos within the Russian army provided the Allies with a golden opportunity.
The important railway hub of Lublin fell, and even before a few days had passed, the largest fortress in eastern Poland, Brest-Litovsk, was also captured.
In the Baltic Sea, the German army that swept through Lithuania swiftly entered Latvia and captured Riga. In the south, the Allied forces advancing along the Black Sea coast threatened Odessa.
“This is all due to a lack of troops. Mobilize the reserve officers to form ten new infantry divisions.”
Amidst the all-encompassing threat, the Russian government hastily conscripted millions of people. Even so, the rural areas, which were already short of labor, cried out in protest against additional conscription orders.
“Two and a half million people? Are these numbers falling from the sky?”
“Just grab the Ivans working in the fields to fill in the numbers.”
The Russian officials coldly fulfilled their assigned quotas. Bundles of impoverished and landless farmers were loaded onto trains.
Even so, the Russians, whose trade with the Black Sea and the Baltic Sea was paralyzed, suffered even greater hardships in importing goods.
The grain merchants, anticipating that the summer wheat harvest would not be successful, refused to release the grain from their warehouses, and the bakers refused to make bread due to the rising price of wheat. Rasputin and Charina, who should have cracked down on their collusion, simply watched without lifting a finger. No, they didn’t even think about controlling prices.
When bread ran out in the market, people flocked to the black market to make a living. The price of bread in the black market was nearly five times higher than usual.
Even then, there was no guarantee that you could buy it even if you had money.
“All because of Charina.”
“Let’s drive out the German spy, Alexandra.”
The people directed their anger at the German Empress.
The nobles, sensing the growing public discontent, were filled with fear. It seemed that a repetition of the 1905 revolution was imminent. They were lucky to have survived the crisis back then, but this time, there was no guarantee that they could do the same.
Char’s younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail, wrote a letter to his brother on the front lines, warning him of the danger and urging him to return to Petrograd.
“Your Majesty, you must return to Petrograd immediately. You cannot imagine how tense the city has become. Voices calling for the removal of Charina are echoing from all walks of life.”
“Jim trusts the Empress. What is urgent for Jim now is to repel the enemy advancing towards the imperial homeland. The issue in the capital can be resolved once we achieve victory. So, don’t worry too much.”
Charr’s response clearly revealed his inability to grasp reality. Charr had no awareness of the cracks within the empire.
“Opportunity, my friend. Thanks to the German Empress, things have become much easier.”
“Nikolai has gone mad. He really thinks he can hold onto the frontlines in this situation?”
The news that Charr would not return to Petrograd immediately provoked those who sought to overthrow the regime.
There was no better time to act than now if they wanted something.
While the revolutionaries agitated in an atmosphere of unrest, the ambitious ones who coveted the throne were different.
They felt the need to make contact with a potential ally who could grant them the throne through negotiation.
Soon, several letters containing conspiracies began to fly to Berlin.
*
Berlin Imperial Palace, the capital of the German Empire.
“Vladimir Kirillovich Romanov, the Grand Duke.”
The sender’s identity of the letter to us had unexpected weight.
The man commonly known as Grand Duke Kirill was a descendant of Emperor Alexander II, and within the Romanov dynasty, he held a significant position in the succession hierarchy.
Officially, he was fourth in line to the throne.
In other words, he was a high-ranking noble who could potentially ascend to the throne.
As I read the Grand Duke’s letter, I was struck by a strange impression.
The Grand Duke only spoke of discussing peace between Germany and Russia, without making any specific proposals on what to do.
Of course, there were implications.
In a diplomatic tone, the Grand Duke suggested engaging in dialogue for a “suitable” agreement.
Dialogue was soon to become negotiation, a secret meeting in a secluded room.
There was nothing wrong with discussing and creating a proposal while pacing back and forth in the secret room.
We had a conversation with the representative of Grand Duke Kirill through the German embassy in Sweden.
The content was diplomatic, but Kirill’s desires were clear.
He wanted the German Empire to help him ascend to his throne when the time came. In return, he promised to annex the Baltic and Poland and maintain a friendly neutrality towards the Allies.
The proposal itself was sincere.
Considering the territories that the German army had taken so far, the territories to be annexed were not insignificant.
“We need war reparations of 120 billion marks.”
Kirill showed an attitude that it would be difficult to pay reparations.
Don’t you like that?
We suspended negotiations.
In the meantime, the Allied forces continued to advance and devour Russian territories.
By the time our army reached the capital of Belarus, Minsk, Kirill sent his reply.
“We accept the conditions.”
We didn’t cheer with joy that Kirill accepted the conditions.
The ones who had German expectations were not the common nobility, but the revolutionaries who were growing their influence from behind the scenes.
Whether they were Mensheviks or Bolsheviks, it was obvious that those who had captured and shaken Russia were the ones who could control it.
Nobles like Kirill were nothing more than ignorant fools who didn’t even know such facts.
So why did we negotiate seriously with such idiots?
The reason was simple.
If Germany acted too leniently, it would only raise suspicions on their side. By demanding aggressively in proportion to the position we occupied, we could give the impression that we were serious about negotiation.
Anyway, if we think that we have secured something through negotiations with them, they will start pursuing their own plans.
In that case, if a mud fight breaks out within the establishment, it creates favorable conditions for the revolutionaries.
If the revolution is expedited, Russia’s downfall will also accelerate.
Then everything will be okay.
“Russia will definitely not hold out for long. At the longest, by early summer, it will collapse with a cracking sound from within.”
Professor Openheim also did not see Russia’s lifespan as long.
“When that stage comes, we should send in the decisive weapon that drives a wedge.”
“Are you really going to send Lenin to Russia?”
“Haven’t I been feeding, clothing, and sheltering him all this time for that purpose?”
I regarded Lenin, the ultimate weapon of the proletariat, as the executioner of Russia.
“In the current situation, there is no need to use Lenin, it will be enough without him.”
No, that is something I cannot guarantee.
I have already twisted the course of history too much.
Unexpected contingencies could arise from anywhere.
So, it wasn’t a bad idea to design the future of Russia in a predictable state.
Anyway, even if Lenin comes to power, I have no intention of letting the Soviet Union survive.
I ordered Professor Openheim to pay more attention to the Grand Duchy of Russia.