46 – Romanian Participation in the War (1)
Bucharest, the capital of the Kingdom of Romania, German Embassy.
While most European powers had plunged into the war, there were still many countries that maintained neutrality. Romania, an agricultural country in Eastern Europe, was one of them.
However, the neutrality maintained by Bucharest was nothing more than a temporary product of severe division.
Both Karl I and Ferdinand I, who led the newly established Kingdom of Romania, were members of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family by blood. Karl I regarded the support from Germany, led by the same Hohenzollern family, which allowed Romania to achieve diplomatic victory at the Berlin Conference, as a significant experience.
Karl, on the other hand, was wary of Russia’s ambitions in the Balkan Peninsula, which had been proven before and after the Berlin Conference, and promised a defensive alliance against the Triple Entente and Russia in 1883. He firmly believed that cooperation with Germany was the only way to ensure Romania’s safety.
In contrast, the public opinion in the kingdom wanted the Romanians and their territories, included under Austria-Hungary, to be “liberated.” The memory of victory that had lasted for over half a century shouted for the glorious completion of Greater Romania.
The landowners, who had extensive privileges within the kingdom, also wanted to be on the side of the Triple Entente negotiations. They did not want to see the Hungarians exerting influence on the Central European grain market with the crops they obtained from Transylvania. If they could only reduce the amount of grain produced by the Hungarians, it didn’t matter whether it was the target of the alliance or negotiations.
The rift between the two sides led to national division. The royal family presented neutrality, thinking that they did not have the conditions to fulfill the treaty realistically, and the royalists and supporters who admired the charismatic king agreed with his thoughts.
However, even with the neutrality, they couldn’t suppress the deep-seated anti-Austrian sentiment among the Romanian people.
At such a critical time, Karl I suddenly passed away, and his nephew, Ferdinand I, succeeded the throne. This created a significant situation where the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Romania could undergo a sudden change.
Berlin, sensing this, dispatched Count Johann Heinrich von Bernstorff as the Romanian ambassador. Bernstorff, who had come to Bucharest after serving as the ambassador of the United States, was a fallen figure in the eyes of others.
However, the count was not just a fallen figure or someone who had come to fill a position with reasonable experience. He was here to draw the outline of the strategy envisioned by the Kaiser.
On his first day in office, Count Bernstorff reassured the new king Ferdinand with the following words:
“Berlin understands Your Majesty’s position. It must be difficult for Romania to fulfill the treaty in a situation where there are many dissatisfied with the alliance. Germany has no complaints about Your Majesty’s neutrality policy.”
“To hear that Germany thinks so, I am reassured.”
Ferdinant believed that Bernstoff would not be concerned about Romania’s violation of the German alliance, as he listened to Bernstoff’s words.
Instead, Bernstoff requested assistance in importing more grain and oil from Germany and Austria. The mention of oil was due to Floiesti.
Floiesti boasted the largest production of oil in Europe since the mid-19th century, and could supply a significant portion of the oil Germany needed.
However, Romania had imposed restrictions on the export of grain and oil to Germany, taking into account its relationship with Russia and negotiations. It was difficult to respond to Bernstoff’s request without exacerbating their strained relationship.
Ferdinant expressed his displeasure with this request, but responded positively, saying he would consider it. Instead of pushing for the installation of a king, Bernstoff chose to step back for now.
In any case, proposing to the king was merely a disguise to give the impression that Germany wanted friendly relations with Romania.
Upon returning to the embassy, Bernstoff immediately mobilized the aristocratic circle, including Franz von Papen. There were quite a few German residents in Romania who had settled there since the medieval period.
He recruited passionate nationalists among them and prepared the necessary network for the operation.
Since Bernstoff had received a list of passionate individuals willing to cooperate from the Pan-German Association in advance, the first phase proceeded very easily. He recruited 20 prominent German figures in Romanian society as members of the organization and secured 50 local collaborators connected to them.
As he was finishing the initial work, the Eastern Information Office was established in Berlin. The Eastern Information Office brought together fragmented and separately operating organizations of military and foreign affairs, making the operation much more efficient and organized than before.
Bernstoff joined this organization and provided support for Count Konstantinie’s operation in Bucharest while also receiving support for his mission in Romania. The Eastern Information Office created fake identities and cover companies in various cities, including Sofia and Constanta, to assist Bernstoff in his work.
Bernstoff’s subordinates made full use of these identities and companies. They began buying large quantities of grain, just as the negotiating country did in Bulgaria.
But their true intentions were obvious.
When grain prices suddenly skyrocketed due to Bernstoff’s operation, Romanian authorities launched an investigation. During the investigation, they discovered that most of the grain was scheduled to be shipped to Odessa.
“Isn’t Odessa a Russian port?”
Although the companies that bought the grain had various nationalities, the only country that actually purchased large quantities of grain and profited from it was Russia.
The investigators were hesitant about this result.
“Why would Russia need to buy grain? They have Ukraine, a country with vast grain fields.”
“Perhaps it’s because they’re at war and have conscripted a large number of peasants, causing a decrease in production.”
“Could this be a clever ploy to conduct an operation like they did in Bulgaria?”
The Romanian authorities discovered suspicious circumstances that were intended to disrupt the Romanian grain market, but they decided to close the case by confiscating the grain without regard for the outcome.
But Bernstoff didn’t let it go.
“After spending a huge amount of money to prepare, can we just let it go?”
Bernstoff immediately exposed the incident to the press. The fact that the negotiators were the culprits behind the “grain purchase incident” that had taken place in Bulgaria a long time ago aroused suspicion among the people. They believed that the negotiating country had conspired thoroughly to involve the Eastern Balkan countries in the war.
To be fair, the negotiating country did not want to involve even neutral Bulgaria, which had actually conspired. They felt unjustly accused.
With Bernstoff’s intervention, the anti-negotiation sentiment within Romania became noticeably stronger. While the farmers who benefited from the high grain prices had no complaints, the urban middle class harbored tremendous dissatisfaction. Naturally, the voice of the royal family, who had advocated neutrality, gained strength.
In addition, with Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire joining the alliance, the power of the German camp in the Black Sea and the Balkan Peninsula increased rapidly.
Now, the realistic fear of being brutally beaten like Serbia if they sided with the negotiation side suppressed the power of the negotiation faction within Romania.
When things turned out like this, even Ferdinand, who had been showing a vague stance while watching the situation between Germany and the people, changed his attitude.
When he realized that the influence of the pro-German faction had become strong enough domestically, he called Bernstoff and conveyed his intention to accept the “demand from a while ago.”
Bernstoff sneered at his opportunistic attitude.
“But if it helps the homeland, I can accept it.”
Bernstoff began to submit reports to Berlin. Soon, the Romanians would make their choice. In the “right direction,” that is.
*
Imperial capital Berlin, Germany.
The victories of the Allied powers in the Balkans were accepted as evidence that the German camp had gained the upper hand in the international community. As evidence, neutral diplomats stationed in Berlin lined up to visit the Imperial Palace and congratulate the victory of the Empire. If they thought that both sides were tense or that the situation could change, they would have been careful as well.
But Russia was losing on the Eastern Front, and France’s attack on Metz was still showing a weak performance. That’s why each country had no choice but to accept the victory achieved by the Allies in the Balkans as a major turning point.
With only Russia and France left as the negotiation countries, the number of Allied countries had increased significantly compared to before. Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Poland, and, forcibly, Albania and Natalia, which were placed as puppets, joined forces with the Kingdom of Serbia.
Having a larger number of countries didn’t mean that we were fighting a war, but there was an image that was visible to the outside world. The more countries lined up on this side, the more we appeared to be in the dominant position. That’s why Italy and Romania were trying to test the waters to take sides.
It was impossible not to notice this flow called Russo-Bulgarian negotiation. France also tried to turn the tide by throwing its own daring move.
“Berlin air raid. These guys were dreaming the impossible dream. If that could have killed me, Hitler would have died a hundred times over in the hands of the Allies.”
As I read the report on the failed attempt of the French Army Air Force, I clicked my tongue.
France had sent a bomber squadron to assassinate me back in September, dropping bombs in completely the wrong place and returning. It wasn’t by plane, but by airship.
People don’t know this, but France had far more airships than Germany.
Taking advantage of this fact, France had relentlessly attempted bombing operations since the beginning of the war, but their achievements were not impressive. Daytime bombings were impossible due to the mighty Imperial Army Air Force, so all they could do was inaccurate nighttime bombings.
However, nighttime bombings had a serious drawback in terms of precision.
Even in the much later 1940s, they suffered from low precision, which was needless to say at the current technological level. So far, the achievements of the French bomber squadrons in terms of bombing were just killing a few people and psychologically shocking Germany.
“Your Majesty, we must retaliate against those frog bastards who dared to bomb Berlin.”
There were also stories of pouring bombs onto mainland France, but that was pure nonsense. It posed the risk of a counterproductive effect militarily.
During the Battle of Britain, the German Luftwaffe bombed the British mainland, suffering massive losses but failing to deal any significant blow to Britain’s war capabilities. Instead, they stimulated their desire for revenge and bolstered the British wartime economy. It was much more beneficial to focus on propaganda, dropping a few bombs with a handful of airships and achieving meager results to stimulate the revengeful spirit of the French.
“Your Majesty, the Romanian envoy has arrived.”
“Bring him in.”
I folded the report I had been reading.
The envoy sent by King Ferdinand of Romania, Petre P. Carp, was a familiar figure in my memory. He was very friendly towards the Triple Alliance and even advocated that Romania should declare war on Russia after the outbreak of the war.
Soon, the impressive bald former prime minister, Petre P. Carp, walked in and greeted me.
“I appreciate the opportunity for this audience, Your Majesty.”
“As Prime Minister, even if I have to make time that doesn’t exist, I should do so, shouldn’t I?”
“Your words are too kind.”
I showed familiarity and guided him to the specially prepared table for refreshments.
Petre, while congratulating Germany’s victories in customary words, apologized for Romania’s failure to fulfill the secret treaty in time to join the triumph. I accepted his words with a smile.
“Thank you for your kind words. I understand the Prime Minister’s situation.”
“Thank you for understanding.”
Petre subtly changed the topic, sensing that I was getting a little bored, and cautiously got to the point.
“Your Majesty must already know, but Besarabia is a rightful territory of Romania.”
“Is that so?”
I asked, even though I knew. Besarabia is roughly equivalent to Moldova and parts of western Ukraine in the 21st century. Given its ethnic composition and cultural aspects, it was not unreasonable for Romania to claim sovereignty.
“Yes. We hope Your Majesty can help us find that land.”
“Then ask the ambassador. Why should we spill blood in Russia and share the spoils with Romania?”
After taking a deep breath, Petre brought up the prepared story.
“We promise the Floresti oil fields and membership in the alliance.”
The Floresti oil fields, Romania’s greatest asset, were certainly an undeniable privilege. With the Floresti oil fields alone, most of the oil problem could be ignored. It was also a great advantage to avoid the scrutiny of the United States. Even Nazi Germany extracted half of its oil needs from the Floresti oil fields. For present-day Germany, with much lower consumption, covering the entire need was not impossible.
And there was the alliance. My expectation that Romania would become an enemy had pleasantly gone awry. Of course, given the pact between the two countries, it was natural to stand on this side. Diplomatically speaking, that is.
“But I have never received a report suggesting that Bucharest would join the alliance. Was it only discussed among the pro-German faction led by Petre?”
I had never heard a word from the Eastern Intelligence Agency or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs about Romania joining the alliance. This meant that no information had circulated within the Romanian political sphere. It was reasonable to think that the ambassador’s proposal was at the level of an ‘idea’ discussed among the king and his close associates.
Of course, if the king and the cabinet were willing to bear the political burden and decide to join the war, there was a possibility of coercion. Unlike Western European countries, the monarchs of Eastern Europe still held strong royal power.
After briefly calculating, I spoke to the ambassador.
“We Germans are not talkative. Those who speak must always follow up with action. In order to become our ally, Romania must show that it is capable of doing so. Is Romania ready to keep its promises?”
When I asked about Romania’s sincerity in breaking the pact, the ambassador replied firmly.
“Of course, Your Majesty. Bucharest will prove its commitment by joining the alliance within a month.”
Bessarabia.
To promise Romania such a juicy piece of meat, we would have to adjust the Ukrainian territorial boundaries, but it wouldn’t be a bad deal if we could deploy more troops.
“If it goes like this, we can not only launch an offensive towards Ukraine, but also have more troops available, don’t you think?”
I thought it necessary to discuss this issue with the allied countries.
For that reason, I gave a positive signal to the envoy.
“If you are prepared to make such commitments in Bucharest, I will discuss it with the allied countries. If all the major powers agree, there is no reason for me to oppose.”
“Thank you, Your Majesty.”
When I thought about the allied countries, I seemed to understand why Romania had taken a stand. If the tide turned in favor of the German camp and Romania failed to fulfill the treaty and remained neutral, it was only a matter of time before it fell out of favor with Berlin. In that case, would neighboring countries coveting Romania’s territory and rights just sit idly by?
“Bulgaria, which is eyeing an opportunity to regain Southern Dobruja, will surely make its voice heard.”
Anyway, when I calculated up to that point, it wasn’t strange for them to line up, promising huge rights and participation in the war.
In fact, the conflict between the two countries could have been resolved by giving Bulgaria Southern Dobruja as a condition for Romania to detach a little more of the Ukrainian border territory. However, this also posed the problem of having to guarantee the sacrifice of Ukraine, which would be taken over by Habsburg.
“Should we tear up Russian land like Khryushchyov and attach it to Ukraine to solve it?”
That was also a way. If we tore up the Crimea Peninsula or the Donbass and attached it, the Ukrainians would understand.
However, that didn’t mean we had to quickly come to a favorable conclusion for Romania and Bulgaria. As much as we wanted to reach an easy conclusion, we had to endure the trouble.
I thought I should instruct Holbeck to study two options, including this part.
First, I thought I should ask Romania.
“By the way, how many divisions and soldiers can Romania contribute for the alliance?”
“We can mobilize up to 23 divisions and 650,000 troops for war, Your Majesty.”
“650,000.”
The size of Romania’s military was larger than I had expected. With their rank, it was a number that couldn’t be compared to most medium-sized countries.
“With our military strength, I believe we can contribute sufficiently to the alliance.”
Petre spoke confidently.
“If we just look at the numbers and not the quality, it’s possible.”
I inwardly scoffed at the military power of Romania.
As seen in the previous chapter, the Romanian army was a group with lower standards than the notorious Ottoman Empire. Even if their military capabilities were lacking, what was more concerning was their lack of modern military training. Just a month after Mackensen’s attack, they had managed to topple most of the kingdom, proving to be no match for us.
But that didn’t seem to matter.
When overwhelming numbers gather, even a meat shield can make the enemy weary. With a new enemy emerging for Russia, the burden will only increase.
“Anyway, from the perspective of Rusbul, it will be quite a painful diplomatic defeat.”
Most of the Balkan countries have now aligned themselves with the side of the alliance or surrendered. Greece, on the other hand, could never side with the negotiations. It worked out well for us.
As I sent Petre away, I adjusted the power dynamics in my mind to a more favorable position.
If Romania leans towards our side and takes action against the Ottomans, the pressure on Petrograd will increase.
“The dissatisfaction with the Chaar regime, which caused the unfavorable war, will also grow.”
I liked the picture in my mind.
From Noble mtl dot com