47 – Romanian Participation (2)
The Royal Palace of Cotroceni in the capital city of Romania, Bucharest.
Not long ago, the late Carol I had taken up residence in a mansion called Golescu Mansion, provided by Romanian nobles. However, Ferdinand I, who had passed away, had a palace built by his late father and left it behind. He made Cotroceni Palace his residence and discussed important matters with his close associates there.
Petre Pe Carp, who had been sent as an envoy to Germany, also discussed dangerous topics with Ferdinand in the king’s office at Cotroceni.
“Now, if we gather the pro-Triple Entente figures from the Conservative Party and the National Liberal Party and make a declaration of support, everything will be over.”
“When do you think the mobilization order should be issued?”
The king asked.
“It seems that it would be advantageous to wait until after the war. Even if we only participate with the divisions maintained during peacetime without mobilization, there should be no problem crossing the Russian border.”
“The Prime Minister’s story is a bit different. He said it would be better for us to quickly issue a mobilization order and prepare a large-scale force to secure victory with fewer variables and ensure our safety.”
Prime Minister and Minister of War, Ionele Bratianu, advised the king that if he intended to join the war, it would be best to issue a mobilization order early on and secure a large army, considering Russia’s strength.
“If we swiftly seize Bessarabia, using the Dniester River as a shield and proceed with mobilization, we can easily handle the war. If we issue a mobilization order unnecessarily and attract Russia’s attention, we will only spill more blood in the stage of crossing the border.”
“But what if Russia turns its army towards our front? Won’t we suffer greater losses by responding with limited forces?”
“That’s an impossible scenario. As Russia diverts its forces, it will suffer losses from allied attacks on other fronts. To compensate for those losses, we need to capture Bukovina. But isn’t it true that our king did not surround it with an iron wall?”
As Petre said, Bukovina was surrounded by a strong fortification. The circular wall consisting of 18 forts was Romania’s pride, making it impossible to breach in a short period.
“Listening to you, it seems that the Minister’s words are correct. However, securing Bessarabia with our current forces without a mobilization order may have some uncertainties. If there are any weaknesses due to insufficient forces, it will be difficult to avoid disruptions to the plan. How do we solve that?”
“I have dealt with that issue separately.”
“What do you mean?”
Ferdinant expressed his curiosity.
“A while ago, the German ambassador informed us that they plan to attack Eastern Poland as a preliminary operation for their spring offensive. They also advised us to spread information that a large Ottoman army is gathering in Constantinople.”
“It’s like warning that the Turks will join the war.”
“That’s exactly what the Germans intended. If Russia confirms this information through the British, it will be considered quite credible.”
Ferdinant was frustrated by the obvious deception prepared by the Germans. If the Ottomans showed any military movement, they would have no choice but to be fooled.
In the end, the Russians, as defenders, had to consider the possibility of a “what if.” If they had control of the seas, they wouldn’t have to worry about such things. But without floating a dreadnought-class battleship capable of withstanding an attack from a battleship like the Moltke, it was difficult to imagine having the upper hand at sea.
“Without dispersing our limited forces, it will create a favorable situation for us. I understand why the Minister is confident that we can take the initiative even without a mobilization order.”
Petre nodded in agreement.
“However, my concern lies within the country. If it becomes known that we have sided with the allies, the pro-federation faction within the National Liberal Party (PNL) will show strong opposition towards Your Majesty.”
“We must be prepared for that.”
Ferdinant had long given up on gaining support from the hardline nationalists within the PNL. Aligning with the negotiating countries to gain their support would only lead the country to ruin.
Napoleon III of France, who had decided to go to war with Prussia but was met with strong opposition from the people, became a good example of failure. There was no law that said one couldn’t step on the same subway tracks as Romania.
“Still, Your Majesty, you should be cautious of public opinion.”
“I plan to convince them by emphasizing the success of the restoration of Wallachia.”
The people had been observing the situation for the past few months and had a general understanding that the alliance was advantageous. If they could show what they could realistically achieve, they could persuade the people to accept the alliance.
“One more thing is needed, Your Majesty. We must be prepared to prevent the uprising of the socialists.”
Ferdinand frowned at the mention of socialists.
Looking closely, it was the socialists who stood behind the peasant uprising. For most monarchs, the Reds who threatened the stability of the monarchy were pests that needed to be eradicated.
Is there a proper solution?”
“We will implement strict socialist laws.”
“Socialist laws. If you bring that up, won’t the liberals in the National Liberal Party strongly oppose it?”
The National Liberal Party, with its liberal and bourgeois nature, had no reason to oppose policies that went against the parliamentary system that had come from Western Europe.
Then Petre spoke firmly.
“Your Majesty, if you have resolved to turn the hardliners in the National Liberal Party into enemies, it is right to go out firmly. The mainstream of the party has aligned with the Prime Minister on a pro-alliance route, so they will accept a bill of this level.”
After a moment of contemplation, Ferdinand nodded.
“I will follow your respectful advice.”
The king discussed the state of affairs after the war for a long time, engaging in a conversation with his advisors.
After a long discussion in the closed room, he made a complete decision on the course of action the kingdom would take after the war.
*
Foreign Ministry, St. Petersburg, Russian Empire.
Important information obtained by the French allies was placed on Sazanov’s desk, who had been mentally occupied with power struggles with Charyna. The minister didn’t have the energy to pay attention to most matters, but he had no choice but to make an exception for this issue.
“Romania is preparing for war against us?”
Sazhonov blinked his eyes for a moment.
It was an unbelievable fact. Even excluding the difference in national power between the two countries, Romania was not a country that was prepared for war at all. Not only was the domestic public hostile towards Austria, but there was also a strong current of reluctance to participate in the war.
Of course, Sazhonov did not think that Romania had no interest in this war. He had been consistently receiving intelligence that Bucharest was quietly narrowing the distance with the allied countries.
However, the Romanian government maintained a posture that was close to peacetime, not even issuing a mandatory mobilization order for the war. Sazhonov judged that they would not engage in a fight before the end of this summer, even if they were considering it. This was a fact that not only Sazhonov, but also most of the key bureaucrats in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs agreed on. Judging from the surface appearance alone, it was normal to think this way.
However, the French had pointed out that the Romanian diplomatic documents they decrypted completely contradicted their judgment. Instructions such as random number tables, destruction of classified documents, and quick coordination of the departure of ships anchored in French ports. These were things that would not be mentioned if France did not consider them as hostile countries. Turning against France meant fighting against Russia.
The moment Sazhonov felt the hostility of Romania, he realized that the diplomacy of the empire was in a precarious situation. Romania’s involvement as an ally could send a bad signal to neutral countries that were assessing the situation between the two sides. It was fatal.
Sazhonov had also subtly hinted at handing over Bessarabia to Romania in order to prevent such a situation, but an unofficial proposal was not enough to prevent Bucharest’s participation.
“We should have quickly sorted out the government’s position and controlled Romania, but we were too optimistic about the situation.”
Of course, it was difficult to openly argue about sensitive issues such as territorial concessions while facing a political offensive from the palace faction due to the defeat in the war. Looking back, they should have accepted that level of burden.
Now, even if they were to officially propose the cession of Bessarabia from the podium in Petrograd, there was no possibility of Bucharest accepting it. The fact that they were sending diplomatic documents hinting at war preparations to their own embassies meant that they had already finished their internal coordination related to participation in the war.
As a result, Petrograd paid a price that was incomparable to giving up Bessarabia.
“Now, they will demand my resignation, citing the diplomatic failure surrounding the Cherina issue.”
Romania’s participation in the war was a matter of life or death for Russian imperial diplomacy. The ministers and opposition factions in the government and the political circle, especially the palace factions around Cherina, could not just let this mistake slide. It was difficult for Chardot, who had shown trust until now, to overlook such a mistake.
But they couldn’t just sit and let this problem unravel.
Sazhonov reported this matter to the prime minister and requested a meeting of the ministers.
“A meeting of ministers? There are hardly any people who will attend. What is the reason for convening it?”
“That is…”
At first, Ivan Logginovich Goremykin, the Prime Minister of the Empire, who was listening to this story as if it were an ordinary matter, immediately promised to convene the meeting as soon as he realized the seriousness of the situation.
Then, Sazhonov briefly reported this matter to Chardot as well. Since they couldn’t exchange phone calls, he sent an encrypted message, and Chardot immediately responded. He had stopped a train where there was a phone connection and called right away.
“The Romanians are preparing for war against us? What does this mean? Could Jim have seen something wrong?”
Charga asked in a bewildered voice.
Since it was an unencrypted communication, it was a worrisome conversation, but as the highest authority in the country, Charga couldn’t avoid answering.
“Unfortunately, Your Majesty, it is exactly as stated in the received report.”
“Could it be a misunderstanding from France? Which country goes to war without issuing a mobilization order?”
As Charga said, the mobilization order was essential for wars in the 20th century. Without increasing the reserve forces through mass mobilization, it was impossible to overpower the enemy. Even Germany and Russia judged the intention of war based on the enemy’s mobilization order.
Sazanov also knew that, but the decrypted message from France clearly showed the possibility of war.
“There is almost no possibility of that. What would long-time ally France gain by deceiving us?”
“What is the plan? Is there any way to persuade them and prevent their participation?”
Charga asked.
He seemed to remember the option of Bessarabia’s neutrality that had been briefly mentioned in front of Charga before. But now, there was no way to turn Romania, which had already been instructed by the diplomatic mission to take action just before going to war. Foreign Minister Sazanov himself knew this better than anyone else. He had no choice but to give a negative answer in a serious tone.
“There is no such way, Your Majesty. Sending a message to the diplomatic mission in preparation for war means their determination is firm.”
“If Romania has come out like this, Italy could also do the same, couldn’t it?”
“That is correct.”
If Romania was capable of playing tug-of-war, then it was obvious that Italy, which could read the situation, would already be negotiating participation in the war. Although France would be doing its best, it was more reasonable to assume that Italy would choose to participate rather than remain neutral in this situation.
Through the telephone line, Charga’s anger and bewilderment seemed to come through.
After a moment of silence, Charga spoke up.
“Why hasn’t the Foreign Ministry, which should be the first to understand and respond to this situation, taken any action? Didn’t you guarantee that Romania would not intervene until at least the end of summer?”
In response to Charga’s reprimand, Sazanov took a submissive posture.
“I have no choice, Your Majesty.”
In fact, I had even assured him that we would bring Romania to our side before the war began, so I had nothing to say, even if I had ten mouths.
“Other neutral countries will surely stand under our flag.”
“….”
“Discuss strategies with the Allied nations until the situation changes. If there’s no way, create one. Understood?”
Unlike usual, Char’s final order was filled with coldness.
“Yes. I will do my best.”
The moment the call with Char ended, Sazanov felt that his political life had come to an end. Without Char’s support, there was no hope of resisting the onslaught of the Charyn and the palace factions.
“Even if I’m treated like a scoundrel like Bezobrazov, I can’t say anything.”
Sazanov rubbed his face with both hands. Sticky sweat and oil covered his palms.
But as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, he had to fulfill his remaining duties.
Sazanov instructed Stanislav Alfonsovich Poklevsky-Kozell to send a letter to Bucharest, proposing to cede the entire western bank of the Dniester, including Bessarabia, in exchange for maintaining neutrality.
It was an absurd proposal, but even throwing out such ridiculous conditions was necessary to temporarily halt their actions.
“Your Excellency. Is the letter I received true? Are you really willing to cede land equivalent to half of Romanian territory?”
The instructions were so absurd that Stanislav, the ambassador, had to send the letter to confirm its authenticity. Sazanov replied with a short ‘yes’.
Sazanov himself also called Konstantin Diyamandi, the Romanian ambassador in Petrograd, and requested a visit. He wanted to see if there was any room for negotiation through contact with Diyamandi, who seemed to be favorably disposed to negotiations.
An hour later, the Romanian ambassador appeared in the minister’s office, looking dignified. The minister greeted him in a friendly manner and said that the Imperial government was ready to propose the “newly” arranged conditions to Bucharest.
“I will convey the proposal from Petrograd to my home country.”
After listening to the entire story, Konstantin showed a business-like reaction. From the ambassador’s lukewarm attitude, Sazanov confirmed that there was no room left for diplomatic negotiations. It was possible that Konstantin’s lack of deceitful behavior was a sign of dissatisfaction with his own country’s abandonment of diplomacy or an expression of his belief that he would not abandon at least the minimum amount of trust as a diplomat.
Sazanov dismissed Konstantin and sank into his chair.
It seemed as if the German Kaiser was raging, looking down at Chancellor and Imperial Ministers with an arrogant expression, demanding that they sign the humiliating conditions.
Sazanov closed his eyes tightly, regretting his past insistence on confronting Germany and mobilizing his forces.
It felt as if the empire was crumbling.